The human rights situation in Ethiopia remains deeply concerning, characterized by ongoing conflicts and widespread abuses. Reports from credible sources like Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights document serious violations, including extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrests, abductions, and torture.
According to recent reports from HRW and Amnesty International, both government forces and armed groups have committed atrocities, particularly in regions like Tigray, Oromia, and Amhara, where conflict has led to countless civilian casualties, widespread sexual violence, and the displacement of millions.
The US State Department’s 2023 Human Rights Report also notes persistent impunity for security forces, suppression of dissent, and limited press freedom.
Yared Hailemariam is a human rights advocate and the Executive Director of the Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Centre (EHRDC). Since its establishment a few years ago, the Centre has gained recognition for its efforts in defending human rights.
More recently, EHRDC was among the rights organizations affected by a government crackdown.
On December 25, 2024, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) and EHRDC, both prominent human rights organizations, were suspended by the Authority for Civil Society Organizations (ACSO). Officials accused them of lacking independence and operating beyond their mandate.
While EHRDC was permitted to resume its activities nearly three weeks ago, Yared says that the human rights situation in Ethiopia has reached a critical level and requires urgent attention.
He spoke with Abraham Tekle of The Reporter about various human rights concerns, including past abuses and atrocities in the Tigray region, ongoing violence in the Amhara and Oromia regions, and the effective implementation of the Transitional Justice process, among other pressing issues. EXCERPTS:
The Reporter: Can you give us a general overview of the human rights situation in Ethiopia and describe the measures your organization has taken or participated in to address escalating rights violations and support victims?
Yared Hailemariam: As you know, we were also part of the current human rights crisis and a victim of it as an organization. The Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Centre was among four or five organizations that were suspended for a couple of months. Our suspension lasted for two months, and we have only recently resumed operations after it was lifted about two or three weeks ago.
Since then, we have been assessing the overall situation, including the financial constraints caused by budget cuts, particularly due to the suspension of funding from USAID. As a result, we are not yet fully engaged in our regular activities. Therefore, I cannot say that my organization has taken an official position on the current human rights crisis. We are still in the process of reviewing and finalizing our reports. However, I can share my personal perspective if that would be helpful.
The overall human rights situation in the country remains concerning. Conflict is still ongoing in many parts of the country, creating a cycle of violence. The fighting between regional forces and the federal government in the Amhara region has intensified. Similarly, conflict continues in the Oromia region, making it a particularly difficult time for human rights organizations to document and investigate violations, especially in the two conflict-affected areas.
Political tensions in Tigray have also worsened the humanitarian crisis in the region. The growing friction between the two factions of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the current interim regional administration, and the federal government has further impacted the human rights situation in the region. Reports indicate an increase in mass arrests and abductions, including individuals with political affiliations. Overall, the human rights situation across the country remains deeply concerning and highly challenging.
In the past five or six years, the country has seen a rise in human rights abuses, exacerbated by the Tigray war and conflicts in Oromia and Amhara. Reports suggest that conflict-related sexual violence persists in Tigray, even after the November 2022 agreement, and conditions are similar in other parts of the country. What is the current situation for survivors of these abuses, and what obstacles hinder their access to support and justice?
Due to the ongoing conflicts in many parts of the country and rising tensions in Tigray, accessing support or justice has become increasingly difficult for survivors. The complexity of the situation makes it challenging for human rights organizations to document and investigate the full extent of atrocities committed over the past few months or even the last three years.
Many of the human rights violations and atrocities that occurred in Tigray have not been thoroughly investigated or documented by independent bodies. The same thing happened in the Amhara and Oromia regions; reports of human rights abuses emerge daily as breaking news. Just last week or the week before, two buses full of people were reportedly abducted, and their whereabouts remain unknown. In many cases, perpetrators demand large sums of money per individual. Such incidents have become almost routine, yet they are not being adequately documented.
Even the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has only been able to report on a portion of the widespread atrocities occurring across the country. However, without proper documentation and investigation, there can be no accountability or justice for these violations. The prevailing hostile political instability in most regions prevents the Commission from forming a complete picture of the level of human rights abuses in the country. As a result, impunity prevails, and victims may remain without justice or compensation for the damage caused towards them for an extended period.
Nonetheless, organizations including the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch have repeatedly reported extrajudicial killings and arbitrary detentions. In your observation, what accountability measures have the government and other stakeholders taken to investigate these violations and prosecute perpetrators?
All these reports documented by human rights organizations, including those you mentioned, serve as indicators of the human rights situation in the country, how the justice system operates, and how violations have worsened each day. However, to take all perpetrators to a court of justice requires further investigation. Criminal investigations are distinct from human rights reports. While human rights organizations—whether local or international—can conduct assessments and research, many rely on remote investigation methodologies due to conflict-related restrictions, such as road closures. Even the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has used such methods in its recent reports.
If the government is serious about ensuring accountability and political will to bring perpetrators to justice, it must commit to conducting thorough investigations into these human rights reports. Criminal investigations should identify individuals by name, address, and other relevant details while ensuring that the reports are well-documented to support accountability efforts. This process is complex, requires a high level of expertise, and takes time, as human rights violations in conflict zones often involve large-scale atrocities affecting thousands of people.
For example, the joint report by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the UN Human Rights Office concluded that international crimes—including crimes against humanity and war crimes—were committed in Tigray and other regions. Addressing such violations requires independent investigations, as government actors are often among the key parties involved in violations. The perpetrators are also clearly identified in the reports mentioned earlier. Therefore, an independent investigation team with international expertise in complex human rights investigations is necessary.
Furthermore, documenting these violations requires time, extensive resources, and proper victim protection measures. Conducting interviews, collecting data, and ensuring the security of victims affected by past conflicts demand significant financial and logistical support.
Reports show that both armed groups and government forces are committing human rights abuses in Ethiopia. What is the nature of these crimes, and how can they be explained in clear, accessible terms?
It is evident that conflict is always accompanied by human rights violations. In every conflict situation, human rights abuses occur—not only in Ethiopia but in many other cases as well. For instance, in Sudan, the ongoing conflict in the capital has resulted in the targeting and killing of many civilians.
One of the main issues is that conflicting parties often fail to adhere to international humanitarian law, including the laws governing armed conflicts and the Geneva Convention protocols. These legal frameworks clearly outline the responsibilities of warring parties, including the obligation to take all necessary measures to prevent civilian harm.
In the ongoing conflict in the Amhara region, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has reported that some drone attacks have affected civilian areas, resulting in casualties, including women and children. Similar incidents have occurred in other conflicts. The primary reason for human rights violations in international conflicts is that the parties involved often do not comply with international standards designed to protect civilians.
Are governmental forces also implicated?
Yes. The joint report clearly indicates that acts of sexual violence, war crimes, and crimes against humanity have been committed. It states that all parties involved in the conflict—including government forces, regional forces, the Eritrean military, as well as Tigray, Afar, and Amhara regional forces—actively participated and are responsible for the violations committed in the previous conflict. While these crimes have been well documented, further investigation and additional documentation are still needed to ensure accountability.
What are the primary challenges in documenting these abuses, and how can the international community assist in these efforts?
Even in the case of the joint investigation, much of the documentation occurred after significant events, such as the first ceasefire or the period when many parts of the Tigray region were controlled by the federal government. Atrocities of this nature can only be thoroughly documented and investigated when there is peace or at least relative stability. Proper investigations are typically conducted in a post-conflict setting, as active conflict makes it extremely difficult to deploy investigation teams.
During ongoing conflicts, sending investigators to affected areas is nearly impossible, as those regions remain unsafe, and many residents may have been displaced or forced to flee to neighboring countries. As a result, human rights violations committed during conflict are often investigated retrospectively, once conditions allow.
In the case of the Amhara region, the conflict is still ongoing, as it is in much of Oromia, making it difficult to send investigation teams to these areas. Because of this, documenting human rights abuses takes time. Human rights organizations can express their concerns and issue reports, but these are often based on remote investigation methods, as mentioned earlier. However, for a comprehensive and credible investigation that details each atrocity with firsthand evidence, it is necessary to wait until people remain in place and the security situation allows for proper documentation.
This also works for the international community. A proper investigation also depends on the political commitments and willingness of the government and other conflicting parties. Without their cooperation, conducting an independent investigation becomes impossible. For example, the UN Human Rights Council appointed an independent inquiry commission, but its mandate was not accepted by the Ethiopian government. As a result, the commission was unable to continue its investigation. This highlights the need for government commitment and collaboration in ensuring accountability and justice.
The federal government has initiated a transitional justice process to address past atrocities and current affairs. How effective do you believe this process has been so far, and what improvements are necessary to ensure justice for victims?
One of the major challenges for the Ethiopian government is implementing a meaningful transitional justice policy. The policy itself highlights key principles such as accountability, addressing impunity, prosecuting perpetrators, and ensuring protection and reparations for victims. However, transitional justice is generally implemented in post-conflict situations, once active hostilities have ceased and a ceasefire or peace agreement has been established.
The concept of transitional justice in Ethiopia gained prominence after the Pretoria Peace Agreement, as it assumes that the conflict has ended and that the country has moved into a phase of relative peace. While there is no active conflict in Tigray at present, tensions persist due to the incomplete implementation of the Pretoria Agreement. The involved parties continue to blame each other, making it difficult to conduct transitional justice-related activities in the region. Additionally, for the process to be effective, the Tigrayan community and its regional government must have trust in it, but concerns remain about the federal government’s control over the process.
Beyond Tigray, ensuring the success of transitional justice across Ethiopia requires a stable environment. If conflict persists, conducting public consultations, documentation, and investigations becomes impossible. Without these essential steps, transitional justice cannot move forward. Therefore, for the process to be meaningful, active conflicts must first come to an end.
Given the widespread nature of sexual violence during conflicts in other regions, what support systems are currently available for survivors in Ethiopia? What mechanisms are in place to provide them with assistance and justice?
It’s unfortunate that there are no local mechanisms or comprehensive legal provisions specifically designed to support survivors like the recent case of Birtukan. In Ethiopia’s conflicts, sexual violence has been used as a weapon to target perceived opponents or enemy groups. This brutal form of violence has occurred in every conflict situation over the past few years, with women being the primary victims. Gang rape and other forms of sexual violence were systematically used as tools of war.
Birtukan’s case is just one among tens of thousands of similar incidents of gender-based violence. While her story has been heard, countless others remain untold, as many survivors have not had the opportunity to share their experiences through media platforms. Numerous horrific cases remain undocumented, while some have been recorded—such as the accounts of women in Tigray who were gang-raped by Eritrean soldiers and other forces involved in the conflict. Similar patterns of sexual violence have also been reported in Oromia, Amhara, and other conflict-affected areas.
Despite the scale of these crimes, there has been little documentation and no focused investigations on gender-based violence in conflict. Additionally, the justice system does not have a separate mechanism dedicated to addressing these atrocities. As a result, survivors like Birtukan are left without the legal and institutional support necessary to seek justice and redress.
What additional resources are needed to aid the recovery of these sexually violated women?
We have interviewed many survivors—women and girls—who have been targeted and affected by gender-based violence. Most of them continue to suffer from both physical and psychological trauma. However, there is no structured psychosocial support available for these victims.
Regarding access to justice, we recently conducted research focused specifically on conflict-related sexual violence in Ethiopia, with an emphasis on two regions. The study examined whether these cases are being documented, whether there are ongoing investigations, whether cases have been brought to court, and whether justice is being served. Our findings revealed that in most regions, these cases have received little to no attention. Many incidents have not been documented, no legal action has been initiated, and justice mechanisms remain largely absent.
This highlights a significant gap in both legal and psychosocial support for survivors of conflict-related sexual violence, underscoring the urgent need for comprehensive interventions.
Large numbers of people have been displaced by past and ongoing conflicts. What are the immediate needs of these displaced populations, and how can both national and international actors address these needs effectively?
To address the magnitude of the issue and the large number of affected individuals across different regions, a comprehensive national policy and a clear mechanism are necessary. This should include access to medical treatment, psychosocial support, and a specialized judicial system dedicated to handling gender-based violence related to conflicts. Additionally, a national commission should be established to focus exclusively on these violations, ensuring thorough documentation and research.
Protection centres must be set up for victims, which would require significant resources due to the high number of affected individuals. The judicial system must also be equipped to handle a large volume of such cases effectively. Investigating gender-based violence in conflict settings is particularly challenging, as victims often struggle to identify perpetrators beyond their uniforms, given the frequent movement of military personnel across regions.
Due to the complexity of these cases, international support is crucial, including specialized investigations conducted by experts with experience in addressing similar violations globally. The process requires extensive preparation at the national level, as well as collaboration with the international community to ensure accountability and justice for survivors.
Several months ago, the UN contemplated halting relief operations in the Amhara region due to escalating attacks on aid workers, and more recently, USAID ceased its funding. How could this suspension impact the overall humanitarian situation in the region?
The suspension of funding from organizations like USAID indeed poses a significant challenge, not only for humanitarian aid but also for human rights organizations in Ethiopia. As you mentioned, these funds were critical for medical treatments, responding to humanitarian crises, and supporting human rights work, as well as initiatives aimed at strengthening rule of law and democracy.
The reliance on foreign aid creates vulnerabilities for the country, especially when such aid is interrupted. It highlights the importance of developing local funding sources and building a more self-sustaining model for both humanitarian and human rights organizations. However, as you noted, generating such funds locally is a complex challenge. The economic conditions in Ethiopia, including low life expectancy and the high cost of living, make it difficult for local actors to rely on domestic sources for funding. Furthermore, the lack of a culture of philanthropy or corporate sponsorships in the country makes it harder for these organizations to secure the necessary resources.
This situation may serve as a wake-up call for local actors to explore alternative funding strategies, but transitioning away from foreign aid will require significant changes in local economic structures and attitudes toward social responsibility. Without external support, many organizations could face even greater challenges in maintaining their operations, especially in the face of the ongoing humanitarian crisis.
Reflecting on the international community’s response to Ethiopia’s human rights situation, what actions or interventions would you advocate for to better protect civilians and support victims of abuses both for the federal government and the international community?
The root cause of the ongoing humanitarian crisis and human rights violations is the continued conflict, and the solution must begin with stopping the fighting through effective peace negotiations and dialogue. When active conflicts persist, the suffering of civilians intensifies, and humanitarian access becomes even more difficult. The international community must continue to apply pressure on all parties involved to engage in peace talks, with the aim of reaching a lasting political settlement.
The international community has also urged the Ethiopian government, as well as other conflicting parties, to embrace peace dialogue and create opportunities for resolving political issues through negotiations and peace conferences. If the conflict persists, the humanitarian crisis and human rights violations will intensify, with long-lasting impacts that could extend for decades. Therefore, the only viable solution is to end the conflict and provide a genuine opportunity for peace talks.
