Arena Tigray for Democracy and Sovereignty is a political party based in the Tigray. Established in the early 2000s, it is the second-oldest political party in the region. Currently, Arena is part of a political coalition of Tigrayans for National Redemption known as “KidanTegaru,” which includes the Tigray Independence Party (TIP) and the National Congress of Great Tigray (Baytona).
Amdom Gebreselassie is the Chairperson of Arena party. He claimed the position in 2023 after joining the Party in 2008. Amdom is a graduate of Addis Ababa University with a degree in History.
As an active participant in the region’s political landscape, Amdomobserves that tensions in Tigray have escalated to a level that could lead to renewed conflict if left unaddressed. According to Amdom, the faction of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led by Debretsion Gebremichael is losing support among the majority of the Tigrayan population, particularly the youth.
He further asserted that the federal government has shown no willingness to engage with opposition political parties operating within the Region.
In a conversationwith Abraham Tekle of The Reporter, Amdom addressed several key issues, including divisions within TPLF, the potential resurgence of conflict in the region, the involvement of external actors, and the unauthorized extraction of gold, among other pressing concerns. EXCERPTS:
The Reporter: As an opposition party operating in Tigray, how do you evaluate the political situation in the region? What have you done so far to curb the situation, and have these actions included internal party discussions or strategic planning?
Amdom Gebreselassie: The situation in Tigray is becoming difficult and increasingly complex. TPLF, which claims to have established the Interim Administration, has split into two factions. One faction, led by Debretsion Gebremichael, has gathered high-ranking officials and core leaders from the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF), challenging the authority of the Interim Administration. This faction’s actions have been described as an attempted coup. Meanwhile, the Interim Administration, led by Getachew Reda, is resisting these efforts in an attempt to maintain control. In the midst of this power struggle, Debretsion’s faction has reportedly engaged in frequent communication with the Eritrean government and appears to be considering the use of force, potentially leading to renewed conflict. On the other hand, Getachew’s administration seems to have the backing of the federal government. This is the current state of affairs in Tigray.
The Arena Party, together with Baytona and TIP parties have formed an alliance under the coalition known as ‘KidanTegaru National Redemption.’ This alliance is now playing an influential role in Tigray’s political landscape. Like I said, while the region’s politics are mostly dominated by the two TPLF factions, our coalition has emerged as a significant force. After gaining influence within the Interim Administration, we were able to establish a Temporary Council that aims to push the government to ensure more effective administration. However, as we were advancing this process, the TPLF mobilized armed groups and forcibly seized administrative stamps from Woredas and Kebeles, using intimidation tactics against supporters of the Interim Administration. In response, our alliance has issued a statement addressing the ongoing situation.
Given the economic instability and rising unemployment caused by the war, some argue that post-conflict hopes for democracy could be undermined by the political tensions between the two factions. Can the current situation in the region be attributed solely to this political divide?
As you mentioned, following the war, approximately 60 percent of the Tigray community has experienced a degree of stability, though not complete. This is largely due to ongoing tensions between supporters of the two factions, who continue to create disruptions in pursuit of their own interests. Despite this, the region has enjoyed a relative peace, free from active gunfire, and there have been visible efforts toward reconstruction, including progress on key infrastructure projects in the post-war period. However, significant challenges were experienced in several areas and zones in Tigray, particularly in Western Tigray, parts of northern Tigray bordering Eritrea, and the southern areas such as Raya and Tselemt.
The economy has yet to see meaningful recovery, and the reconstruction of infrastructure has not progressed as expected. Nevertheless, compared to the wartime conditions, there were signs of gradual improvement. However, the growing political divide is now creating a more complex situation, raising concerns that Tigray could once again become a tip of another war front.
Is the possibility of another war approaching?
While it cannot be definitively stated that the situation will lead to full-scale war, there are clear indications of escalating tensions and activities that could move in that direction. If the crisis is not addressed soon through diplomatic efforts and negotiations that foster mutual understanding, the risk of conflict will increase. Additionally, if tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea remain unresolved, the likelihood of war grows, as there are already visible signs of potential escalation. However, with the right efforts, there is still a possibility of preventing conflict. If left unaddressed, though, the region could face a recurrence of past crises.
Given the involvement of military forces in the political divide, what role can the Tigrayan forces play in addressing the current challenges and fostering peace in the region?
As previously noted, some high-ranking officials and core leaders have openly expressed their support for the TPLF faction led by Debretsion, issuing statements to affirm their stance. Meanwhile, high-ranking military personnel, including generals, opt to take part in the political division, while they are not seen making any clear activity so far. However, given Tigray’s history of active military engagement, the situation remains fragile. Without timely intervention through negotiations and dialogue, the current tensions could escalate into armed conflict.
What makes the situation particularly concerning is the growing opposition among Tigrayan youth toward the TPLF, especially to the faction led by Debretsion, with increasing confrontations against them. Again, if left unaddressed, this dynamic could further inflame tensions and push the crisis to a more dangerous level. So, urgent action is needed to prevent further escalation.
Beyond the youth, how is the group’s stance perceived by the broader Tigrayan community? If the current situation continues unchanged, what potential outcomes can be expected in the future?
Although the Debretsion-led TPLF faction still retains support from certain cadres, tightly clustered groups, and a few beneficiaries within the party, it has largely lost the heart of the broader Tigrayan community. Regardless of the measures it takes—even through force, as seen in past regimes like the Derg or Shabia today—it is unlikely that the general Tigrayan forces or youth would align with the TPLF in any armed struggle. The only exception may be those who have directly benefited from the group or those influenced by its propaganda.
Is it possible to establish a political landscape in Tigray without the involvement of the TPLF in the future?
I believe the situation is moving in that direction. As I mentioned earlier, our alliance, Kidan, has been making significant progress in countering the TPLF’s influence and has brought notable changes to the political landscape by gaining widespread acceptance among the people of Tigray. What is left is winning the heart of the military wing. Nevertheless, over the past five or six months, the alliance has demonstrated considerable strength in the region, further solidifying its position.
In the post-war period, there have been reports of significant challenges to the rule of law, including the alleged illegal extraction of resources like gold. What is your assessment of the situation? What specific measures, if any, have you taken?
As the Kidan alliance, we have conducted research on illegal mining and land extortion across four zones, including the Northwestern Zone, Central Tigray, the Southeastern part of the region, and areas around Mekelle. Our findings reveal that TPLF officials, wealthy individuals, and international business entities are involved in the unlawful extraction of gold and other resources. In response, we held a meeting to discuss possible solutions and called on relevant government officials and those engaged in these activities to be held accountable. The people are well aware of the operations and the individuals behind them. If the appropriate security forces take decisive action, order can be restored.
However, if left unchecked, as has been observed so far, the use of hazardous chemicals in resource extraction will continue to pose severe risks to the local community, livestock, and the environment, causing significant damage to the ecosystem. Accountability is crucial, and we have outlined a clear course of action to address the issue. Despite these efforts, the problem remains unresolved, as the interim administration, caught in the midst of political struggles, has been unable to implement the necessary changes effectively.
As an alliance party active in the region, what plans or goals have you established to address the existing challenges? Have you made any progress in implementing them?
As an alliance, we have identified the major challenges facing the region and developed plans and strategies to address them, with the support of the people. We have outlined eleven key objectives, including the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their homes, the reconstruction of infrastructure, the restoration of constitutional order as it was before the war, and preparations for the upcoming election. Additionally, we have set technical plans aimed at rebuilding the region in a structured manner, implementing our political vision, and narrowing the gaps between us and other parties.
Has your party or the alliance engaged in any discussions with the federal government? Have you received any support from them?
Our only communication with the federal government has been through the Election Board, as the federal authorities primarily engage with the TPLF, particularly the faction led by Getachew Reda. Beyond this, they have shown no willingness to collaborate with other political parties. However, we are open to working with the federal government to restore constitutional order while ensuring that Tigray’s interests and benefits are represented within Ethiopia. So far, however, the federal government has not taken steps to engage with us or other political parties, choosing instead to work exclusively with TPLF representatives.
What is required to achieve a lasting solution in the region?
At this time, the most effective path to lasting peace in the region is the proper implementation of the Pretoria Agreement. We believe that if the Agreement is fully and correctly enforced, it will bring the expected peace and stability. Additionally, the Tigray Interim Administration must be inclusive, ensuring the participation of all relevant stakeholders in rebuilding the region and restoring constitutional order. Ultimately, the successful implementation of the Pretoria Agreement remains the key to achieving meaningful change in the region.
