When Donald J. Trump entered the White House the first time around, many expected a departure from traditional US foreign policy. His “America First” mantra promised to prioritize US interests above all else—and let’s be honest, subtlety was never his strong suit. This was especially evident in his approach to Africa, where his administration’s policy was marked by a mix of pragmatism, power struggles, and a healthy dose of unpredictability.
But was this a win for Africa? Or did it leave African nations navigating the choppy waters of an ever-changing US foreign policy? As Trump begins his second term (yes, we’re here again), it’s worth revisiting his first-term Africa playbook: pragmatic, transactional, and occasionally as unpredictable as a tweetstorm at 3 a.m.
Bilateral deals over multilateral engagement: The art of the deal, African edition
One of the hallmarks of Trump’s Africa policy was his preference for bilateral agreements over multilateral engagements. Forget the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)—Trump was all about one-on-one deals. This was part of his broader mission to rewrite the rules of international trade, with a simple question: “What’s in it for us?”
Rather than renewing AGOA, Trump’s administration explored bilateral agreements that allowed for more tailored—and sometimes more favorable—deals. For larger African nations with economic clout, this was a potential win. But for smaller countries? Let’s just say they might have felt like they were bringing a knife to a gunfight.
Enter the Prosper Africa Initiative, launched in 2018. This was Trump’s attempt to reframe US-Africa relations, focusing on boosting US business investments rather than aid. The goal? Help American businesses tap into Africa’s fast-growing markets while helping African countries industrialize. Sounds great on paper, right? But critics argued it didn’t quite live up to the hype, especially when compared to China’s rapidly expanding footprint.
A focus on security, not democracy: Allies, not ideals
While economic engagement was important, security was Trump’s top priority in Africa. His foreign policy, often transactional to the core, was heavily shaped by US interests—particularly in the fight against terrorism. The US military ramped up operations in places like the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, targeting groups like Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab.
But here’s the twist: under Trump, human rights, democracy, and good governance took a backseat. The “America First” strategy meant less pressure on African governments to improve political freedoms—especially if those governments were willing to help with counterterrorism. Authoritarian regimes got a pass as long as they played ball with Washington.
For civil society, this shift was glaring. But for African leaders willing to cooperate on security, it was a pragmatic win. After all, who needs democracy when you’ve got drones?
China: The elephant in the room (and everywhere else)
If there’s one thing Trump loves more than a good deal, it’s a good rivalry. And China was the ultimate rival in his Africa policy. Beijing’s “Belt and Road” initiative, which funded massive infrastructure projects across Africa, was seen as a direct challenge to American influence.
Trump’s response? Counter Chinese influence by offering an alternative—US business interests. The Prosper Africa Initiative was part of this strategy, aiming to woo African nations away from China’s so-called “predatory” investments. But let’s be real: while the US successfully highlighted the risks of Chinese debt-trap diplomacy, it didn’t quite match China’s infrastructure commitments.
This competition also played out in the military arena. US Africa Command (AFRICOM) became a key player, deploying forces to countries like Niger and Somalia. The message was clear: the US wasn’t just there to talk business—it was there to flex some muscle too.
Foreign aid: Less charity, more leverage
True to his “America First” ethos, Trump proposed drastic cuts to US foreign aid, including to Africa. While Congress often pushed back, the administration’s approach to aid was less about humanitarian assistance and more about leveraging it for political and strategic gain.
The creation of the US International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) in 2019 was a major move. Designed to encourage US private-sector investment in developing countries, the DFC offered a new way to engage with African nations—not as aid recipients, but as business partners. This aligned with Trump’s goal of reducing the US role as a donor nation and pushing African countries to engage more with the private sector.
But again, the focus on competition—especially with China—often overshadowed developmental and humanitarian goals. Africa, rich in resources and strategically important, became a key battleground in the global competition for influence.
Looking ahead: What’s next for US-Africa relations?
As Trump settles into his second term, the big question is: will his Africa policy evolve or stay the course? If his first term is any indication, we can expect more of the same: a pragmatic, security-focused, business-centric approach, with a heavy emphasis on countering China’s influence.
But Africa’s geopolitical landscape is becoming increasingly complex. Shifting allegiances, regional security challenges, and the growing influence of Russia could force the Trump administration to adapt its strategies.
Here’s the thing: Africa deserves more than just being a pawn in a great power game. It deserves to be a partner in shaping its own future. As the Trump administration looks ahead, it must recognize that Africa’s potential can only be realized through a balanced, mutually beneficial approach—one that goes beyond security and business interests and embraces the continent’s vast human and economic potential.
In the end, Africa isn’t just a playing field for global powers—it’s a continent with its own voice, ambitions, and dreams. And if there’s one thing Trump loves, it’s a winner. Maybe it’s time to bet on Africa.
Bruh Yihunbelay is the station manager of Tirita 97.6 FM. He can be reached at [email protected].
