Among them, sesame holds a particularly special place. It is valued not only as a nutrient-rich food but also as a key ingredient in traditional dishes across Asia, the Middle East, and beyond. Ethiopian sesame, in particular, is prized for its distinctive aroma, flavor, and purity—qualities that make it a preferred choice in global markets.

The timing of Ethiopia’s harvests offers another advantage. The country’s pulses and oilseeds often reach international markets in their freshest form during major global New Year festivals, adding not just nutritional but also cultural significance to their consumption.

Equally important is Ethiopia’s production method. Much of the country’s pulse and oilseed cultivation still relies on natural, low-input farming systems that preserve ecological balance. These traditional practices, based on the natural cycles of soil fertility and energy transformation, align with modern principles of sustainable agriculture. They reduce the need for chemical inputs, support biodiversity, and help mitigate environmental degradation.

Ethiopia’s diverse agro-ecology allows millions of smallholder farmers to participate in cultivation, creating significant employment and supporting rural livelihoods. This diversity also enables the development of a wide range of value-added food products—driving entrepreneurship, innovation, and inclusive economic growth.

As the global conversation on food systems increasingly centers on health and sustainability, Ethiopia’s crops are gaining new attention. Pulses are rich in plant-based proteins, while oilseeds like sesame contain natural antioxidants—both of which align with the growing consumer demand for nutritious, eco-friendly food options.

The world’s emerging consensus on transforming food systems offers Ethiopia a unique opportunity. As nations move away from monocultures of maize and wheat toward more diverse, climate-resilient grains and legumes, Ethiopian exporters stand to benefit. Encouraging this diversity can strengthen local economies, create jobs, and enhance global food security—all while reducing dependence on a narrow band of commercial crops.

Ethiopia’s ancient grains and oilseeds, cultivated for millennia, may well hold lessons for the future of sustainable agriculture, if supported with the right infrastructure, market access, and policy frameworks.

As the world embraces the global initiative for food system transformation, the pulse and oilseed sector stands out as a model for sustainable production and responsible business. Rooted in traditional, eco-friendly farming methods, the country’s production systems demonstrate how agriculture can simultaneously nourish people, sustain the environment, and address pressing public health concerns—particularly those linked to diet-related diseases such as high cholesterol.

Ethiopia’s pulses and oilseeds are thus positioned for exceptional growth. Supportive government policies, combined with a global shift toward healthier and more sustainable diets, have created strong demand and new opportunities for farmers, exporters, entrepreneurs, and investors across the value chain.

This transformative shift—anchored in the integration of business with sustainability—is being advanced through collaborative efforts. The government continues to craft forward-looking policy frameworks, while private-sector actors such as the Ethiopian Pulses and Oilseeds Exporters Association (EPOSEA) play a leading role in market coordination and advocacy. Development partners, including the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) and Germany’s GIZ, are working to strengthen sector capacity, promote market diversification, and align Ethiopia’s production systems with global food system transformation goals.

Among the key areas of progress are improved market intelligence, the diversification of export products, and greater knowledge exchange through international partnerships. These collective efforts are paving the way for a more resilient, competitive, and sustainable industry.

A major milestone in this ongoing journey is the upcoming 14th International Conference on Pulses and Oilseeds (ICOPOS 2025)—to be hosted in Ethiopia. The annual conference serves as a vital platform for global stakeholders to exchange insights, assess market trends, and benchmark Ethiopia’s harvest season within the wider international trade cycle. This year’s theme, “Strengthening Value Chains: Expanding Global Markets,” reflects both the opportunities emerging from global food system transformation and the intrinsic strengths of Ethiopia’s pulse and oilseed sector.

ICOPOS 2025 is not just a meeting of experts—it is a statement of intent. It signals Ethiopia’s commitment to leading by example, integrating sustainability with commerce, and contributing meaningfully to a healthier, more equitable global food future.

Zelalem Zemede is the general manager of the Ethiopian Pulses and Oilseeds Exporters Association (EPOSEA).

Contributed by Zelalem Zemede

This period of intense global interaction demands a proactive approach to branding and strategic positioning. Nations are challenged to define their unique identities and value propositions, implementing innovative strategies to differentiate themselves and accomplish their strategic goals.

In this competitive landscape, where success depends on innovation, adaptation, and the capacity to attract worldwide attention, Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as a particularly impactful and transformative force.

AI is no longer a futuristic concept limited to science fiction; it is a concrete reality that is reshaping different aspects of our lives and revolutionizing the very structure of technology. From boosting productivity and streamlining intricate processes to enabling breakthroughs in complex reasoning and sophisticated decision-making, AI holds the potential to significantly change both the current state and the future of technology. This technology is now driving innovation across various sectors, creating avenues for advancement and growth.

Among the sectors most profoundly affected by AI, the digital economy stands out as a key example. AI is rapidly altering economic landscapes worldwide, urging nations to actively pursue competitive advantages to stay ahead.

Ethiopia, as a prominent player in Africa and home to the African Union, is also proactively working to capitalize on the transformative potential of AI. The country has launched a series of strategic initiatives, including the establishment of the Artificial Intelligence Research Institute and a variety of programs aimed at encouraging innovation and the practical application of AI across different sectors.

The primary reason behind this surge in AI adoption is the undeniable reality that AI is fundamentally reshaping the world. The global trajectory is escalating at an unprecedented pace, and it is increasingly challenging, if not impossible, to ignore the transformative capabilities of this technology. AI is already reshaping economies globally, permeating nearly all facets of human existence at every possible level.

This leads us to consider how artificial intelligence is positioned to transform different sectors in Ethiopia, such as agriculture, healthcare, or any other vital sector. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the potential implications, it’s essential to first consider the prevailing global trends. While it’s undeniable that the financial sector is currently experiencing the most significant effects of AI, particularly in developed nations, the situation differs in the Global South, especially within the context of the African continent. Here, AI is demonstrating a notable impact on the agriculture sector. It’s also driving revolutionary changes in healthcare and education.

Although AI is significantly impacting financial institutions by altering how businesses are conducted and changing operational models, other sectors are still being influenced by AI. However, at this juncture, it might not be entirely accurate to say that these sectors are fully capitalizing on AI’s capabilities.

Ethiopia is still in the early phases of AI integration, in many respects still in the early stages of leveraging its full potential. Nevertheless, we’re witnessing an increased adoption of AI across several African countries, particularly in the agriculture and healthcare sectors.

Various institutions are actively engaged in advancing AI applications. A specific focus is being given to AI applications in healthcare, particularly in the areas of cancer detection and diagnostics. These institutions are expanding their operations across virtually all sectors and industries, demonstrating a comprehensive approach to AI adoption. Furthermore, esteemed educational institutions such as Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa Science and Technology University, and Adama Science and Technology University are playing a crucial role by conducting significant research and development projects in the field of artificial intelligence.

For example, consider the Ethiopian Institute of Agricultural Research. They’ve implemented advanced technologies in conjunction with AI for intelligent spraying, precision fertilizer application, and other agricultural activities. This demonstrates how AI can be used to increase operational efficiency and output.

Despite these advances, the effective deployment of these initiatives requires sufficient support and also depends heavily on modern education, the development of specialized skills, and the adoption of advanced techniques.

Competing with Cutting-Edge Approaches

The competition for innovation, technological advancement, and economic expansion is intense. Within this dynamic landscape, it is essential to cultivate unique strategies. To succeed in this era of AI-driven transformation, a well-prepared workforce is crucial. Education plays a vital role in preparing this workforce for the challenges and opportunities of the future. The development of a robust educational system is critical to equip individuals from diverse backgrounds and disciplines with the skills and knowledge necessary to thrive in an AI-powered economy.

Considering the prominent role of AI in shaping the future, the development of expertise in specific areas becomes paramount. Computer science graduates, individuals with extensive knowledge of mathematics, coding expertise, analytical reasoning skills, and a strong comprehension of social dynamics will be critical.

The information used to train AI models relies significantly on algorithms that are heavily dependent on advanced mathematics. Therefore, a firm understanding of mathematical concepts and principles is crucial. At the same time, the practical application of AI often involves computer science and computer programming languages. Profound understanding of these domains will be crucial.

Besides technical skills, it is vital to develop coding abilities. The capability to write and interpret code is essential for creating and implementing AI solutions.

Moreover, individuals must possess well-honed analytical reasoning skills. The capability to critically analyze information, identify patterns, and draw insightful conclusions is essential for effective decision-making in the age of AI.

Finally, a deep understanding of social dynamics is also vital. Given the ever-increasing importance of AI in our daily lives, it’s crucial that we can recognize its implications in society. This also calls for having a robust grasp of ethics and the ability to work collaboratively to ensure that AI is leveraged for the betterment of society.

In essence, preparing for the AI revolution necessitates a comprehensive strategy. It requires a combined effort to cultivate a skilled workforce equipped with technical proficiency, analytical abilities, and a profound grasp of social and ethical considerations. By adopting this multi-faceted strategy, Ethiopia can navigate the complexities of the AI revolution and harness its transformative capabilities to promote economic growth and societal progress. The horizon is vast, and the possibilities are limitless.

Abiy Habtamu has an extensive experience in the field of journalism with MA in Multimedia Journalism

Contributed by Abiy Habtamu

When he died, some cried for him; I cried for myself. My tears, I knew, could not bring him back. Others wept for fathers, brothers, and teachers—for all that he symbolized in their lives. When a man of such gentleness and moral clarity departs, tears become inevitable, for kindness once lived among us and has now withdrawn. Yet beyond emotion, his death unfolded as a great act of communication—a conversation between souls, between generations, between the living and the departed.

It was interpersonal in the comforting embrace between friends; intrapersonal in the quiet grief within each heart; public in the countless messages and tributes shared; and nonverbal in the bowed heads, the tearful eyes, the solemn walk of thousands. From his home to the Nur Mosque, to Millennium Hall, and finally to Sefera, the city became a moving current of faith. Roads closed, but hearts opened. People walked—some for hours, some for miles—to witness his final journey. News of his passing spread like dawn light, reaching even those far from the capital.

Across social platforms, the nation wrote its collective elegy. Words, verses, and memories filled Facebook, TikTok, and YouTube. Some recounted his sermons; others his humility and humor. Their expressions, each in its own tone, became a living monument more lasting than marble. He was called “the father of peace,” “the teacher of truth,” and “the compassionate one.” These were not mere titles—they were reflections of a man who lived what he preached.

Mufti Omar Idris had long been a pillar of religious guidance in Ethiopia. As the Mufti of the Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs, he carried the responsibility of interpreting divine law and offering moral direction to millions. He spoke not only to scholars but to the ordinary believer in the marketplace, the farmer in the field, and the student in the classroom. His voice, steady and reasoned, invited unity when division threatened, and reminded the nation that piety and peace are inseparable.

He believed Islam was not a boundary but a bridge—that the faithful should serve as a moral compass for society at large. His Friday sermons were simple yet profound, laced with stories from the Qur’an and life lessons drawn from Ethiopian reality. He defended justice without hostility, spoke truth without arrogance, and lived modestly even as his influence grew.

It was said that when Mufti Omar walked into a room, debate softened; when he spoke, confusion dissolved into clarity. He treated questions with patience and answered them with reason rather than rhetoric. Many remember how he would pause before replying, as though measuring not the words, but the impact they would have on hearts.

Despite these qualities, as millions mourned, a few questioned his chosen resting place. They feared, they said, that his grave might be worshipped. But what is there to fear? The true believer knows that when life departs, the body returns to dust, and only the soul journeys on. If one seeks idols, they can make them anywhere—even from the moonlight. It is not graves that create worship; it is ignorance that does.

Should a Muslim be buried outside a Muslim cemetery, or should he not?

Allah has commanded our scholars and sheikhs to teach us the truth. It is our duty to listen to them, respect them, and refrain from insulting or humiliating them. Speaking of them in an unbecoming manner brings its own consequences—it is a deviation from the path of Allah. At the same time, our scholars carry a great responsibility: they must provide complete and honest guidance to the Muslim community.

After the passing of the great scholar, Mufti Omar Idris, two opposing views emerged regarding the matter of burial. One group said, “The place where he was buried is sufficient,” while the other insisted that “Muslims should only be buried in Muslim cemeteries.” Social media amplified this debate, with powerful voices declaring that Muslims should never be buried outside designated Muslim graveyards. Others, however, argued that such a view is too rigid and that history itself provides examples of exceptions—especially for great scholars and saints whose entire lives were spent in service to Allah and the Muslim community.

To understand this issue more clearly, we must look beyond our borders and into Islamic history, where we find both traditions: those buried within graveyards and those buried in or near mosques, schools, and centers of learning.

Great Scholars and Saints Buried Outside Regular Cemeteries

Those who oppose burial outside traditional Muslim cemeteries often argue as though no such precedent exists in Islamic history. Yet the record of the past tells a different story. Across centuries and regions, many great scholars, saints, and reformers—men and women who dedicated their lives to knowledge, worship, and service—were laid to rest near the very places where they taught and prayed. In Saudi Arabia, for instance, Imam Malik ibn Anas, founder of the Maliki school, rests in Jannat al-Baqi‘ in Medina, close to the Prophet’s Mosque, while early scholars and jurists in Mecca were buried near the Ka‘ba itself. In Egypt, the tomb of Imam al-Shafi‘I in Cairo stands as one of the Muslim world’s most revered sites of learning, surrounded by mosques and madrasas, while the nearby resting place of Sayyida Nafisah—descendant of the Prophet—continues to inspire Qur’anic study and devotion.

In Iraq, Imam Abu Hanifa and Sheikh Abdul Qadir al-Jilani, founder of the Qadiri Sufi order, were buried close to their centers of teaching, their tombs still serving as hubs of scholarship and spiritual renewal. In Syria, figures such as Imam Nawawi and Ibn Asakir were interred near mosques and schools in Damascus, symbolizing the enduring link between knowledge and piety. Turkey, too, holds the resting places of Jalal al-Din Rumi (Mawlana Rumi) within his Sufi lodge in Konya, and of Abu Ayyub al-Ansari—companion of the Prophet—within the city walls of Istanbul, where he fell during the first Muslim siege of Constantinople.

The Indian subcontinent bears similar marks of reverence: Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti of Ajmer, Nizamuddin Awliya of Delhi, and Shah Jalal of Sylhet all lie near their khanqas or madrasas, sites that remain alive with learning and devotion. In Southeast Asia, two of the Wali Songo—the nine saints who spread Islam in Indonesia—Sunan Ampel and Sunan Gunung Jati—are buried in the mosques they founded, while in Malaysia, early da‘wah leaders such as Sheikh Abdul Samad al-Palembani were laid to rest near their schools, their legacy preserved among students of Qur’an and Shariah.

Even farther east, in China, Sayyid Ajal Shams al-Din Umar, a scholar and governor under the Yuan Dynasty, was buried near the mosque he built in Yunnan, a lasting testament to the deep roots of Islam in East Asia. In Africa, similar traditions endure: Sheikh Abadir, founder of the Islamic school of Harar, rests in Jigollo, surrounded by mosques and schools; Sheikh Nur Hussein lies beside his mosque, a place of remembrance and unity. In Sudan, Sheikh Hamad al-Nil rests in Omdurman; in Somalia, Sheikh Awes al-Barawi; and in Morocco and Senegal, Moulay Idris, Sidi Ahmed Tijani, and Sheikh Amadou Bamba are buried within their zawiyas—centers that continue to nurture faith, work, and learning.

These examples show that the burial of great scholars near mosques or madrasas was never a form of idolatry, but a way of honoring their lifelong devotion to Allah and the Muslim community. Their tombs were meant not for worship but for remembrance, education, and spiritual renewal.

Broader Context

Mufti’s death invites us to consider not only the question of burial but the deeper purpose of human remembrance. Across nations, tombs and memorials preserve the memory of those who served their people. They are not idols but reminders of virtue, discipline, and moral courage.

Mufti Omar, through decades of scholarship and leadership, became such a figure in Ethiopia. From his early education in traditional Islamic studies to his role as a national religious leader, he cultivated knowledge, wisdom, and spiritual insight. His work bridged generations, urban centers, and rural communities. Under his guidance, mosques became centers of learning, social welfare, and interfaith understanding.

Those who interacted with him speak of a man who never sought recognition for himself. He mediated disputes quietly, advised the young earnestly, and reminded the powerful of justice. Yet his influence was profound. He embodied the principle that leadership is service, not authority; knowledge is duty, not privilege.

Even in death, the Mufti continues to teach. The debates over his resting place reflect more than legal interpretations—they reveal society’s ongoing struggle to balance tradition, knowledge, and modernity. His burial outside a formal cemetery does not diminish his legacy; it illuminates the question of why we honor and remember.

Across the Muslim world, scholars’ resting places have been preserved not for worship but as living testaments to faith, learning, and moral integrity. Ethiopia, with its centuries-old Islamic tradition, continues this practice through figures such as Sheikh Abadir and Sheikh Nur Hussein. Mufti Omar Idris’s resting place now joins this lineage of scholars who remain a source of inspiration long after they leave this world.

Personal Reflection and View

A million arguments can be presented to show who is right and who is wrong in a single debate. Supporters can always be gathered with passion and persuasion. Yet, beneath the surface, this debate—like many others—is not only about faith but also about power. Those who possess authority strive to keep it; those who lack it struggle to gain it.

In that struggle, truth is often refined, reshaped, sweetened—or, at times, deliberately made bitter. Much of what is presented as theological conviction may, in fact, conceal a deeper human desire: the pursuit of influence and control over hearts, minds, and history itself.

As long as the thirst for authority remains, debate will continue. Some will find sweetness in their cause; others will taste bitterness. Yet history reminds us that true faith endures not through the destruction of stones, but through the sincerity that lives within hearts.

Would it not be wiser to teach than to fear? To guide rather than to condemn? Allah has endowed humankind with understanding—the power to discern truth from illusion.

Mufti Omar’s tomb, like those of great scholars before him, should not be feared. It is a place of remembrance, reflection, and inspiration—not an altar of worship. Across continents, Muslim scholars and saints have been honored in ways that encourage learning and piety, not idolatry. The same principle applies here.

And so, the Mufti rests—his soul in the mercy of Allah, his body in the earth, his legacy in the hearts of millions.

Contributed by Teshome B. Kemal

The meeting — co-convened by the Government of Spain, UNICEF, and the Sanitation and Water for All (SWA) partnership — will bring together ministers of water, sanitation, environment, climate, and finance from more than 60 countries. Its theme, “Breaking Silos: Uniting Political Leadership to Integrate Water, Sanitation and Climate Action,” underscores the urgent need for collaborative action to safeguard communities and strengthen climate resilience.

Africa’s Water and Climate Challenge

According to the WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme, nearly 400 million people in sub-Saharan Africa still lack access to safe drinking water, while more than 700 million do not have access to safely managed sanitation. At the same time, climate change is intensifying existing vulnerabilities — from prolonged droughts in the Horn of Africa to flooding in the Sahel and water shortages in Southern Africa.

These interconnected crises threaten health, education, food security, and economic stability. In response, African governments are taking bold steps to align national water, sanitation, and climate policies — and the SMM will offer an important platform to showcase progress, mobilize partnerships, and strengthen accountability.

The SMM 2025 is expected to deliver several key outcomes that will shape the future of water security and resilience. One major milestone will be the adoption of a High-Level Leaders’ Pact on Water Security and Resilience, through which governments will endorse bold and measurable commitments aimed at closing existing gaps in access to water while strengthening climate resilience across the continent. In addition, a Mutual Accountability Mechanism will be established as a global framework to track progress, ensuring transparency and fostering collaboration among governments, donors, and civil society. Finally, the meeting’s outcomes will be strategically aligned with major global agendas, feeding into COP30 in Brazil and the UN 2026 Water Conference, to ensure that African perspectives and priorities play a central role in shaping international climate and water policies.

Africa’s Leadership in Action

Across the continent, countries are already advancing ambitious initiatives — from Kenya’s investments in climate-resilient water infrastructure, to Ghana’s drive for universal sanitation, and Ethiopia’s efforts to integrate water and climate planning. The SMM will allow African leaders to exchange experiences, deepen south-south collaboration, and accelerate progress toward Sustainable Development Goal 6 (SDG 6) — ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all.

“African governments have shown that when political will meets partnership, results follow,” said Muyatwa Sitali, acting CEO of Sanitation and Water for All (SWA). “The SMM is where global commitments meet local realities — and Africa’s leadership will be critical to achieving lasting change.”

(The Sanitation and Water for All (SWA) partnership — hosted by UNICEF — has united governments, civil society, private sector actors, and development partners to advance the human rights to water and sanitation for all for the past 15 years. With over 500 partners worldwide, SWA drives political commitment, strengthens institutions, and promotes accountability to achieve lasting results.)

Contributed by Sanitation and Water for All (SWA)

On May 24, 1991, Eritrean forces captured their capital, Asmara, a victory which effectively marked the end of the decades-long war of liberation and ultimately secession from Ethiopia. This was the first such case in post-colonial Africa. With Eritrea’s secession, Ethiopia became the largest landlocked country in the world.

Just six days earlier, on May 18, 1991, the Somali Republic, which was created in 1960, split as Somaliland (a former British colony) declared independence from Somalia (a former Italian colony). 

Eritrea seceded from a union with Ethiopia, which had been imposed on it in 1962, but Somaliland seceded from a greater Somalia to which it had consented.

Ethiopia’s own government ultimately facilitated Eritrea’s recognition as a sovereign state by the international community.

Thirty-four years after its secession, Somaliland is still in search of international recognition in the face of fierce opposition from Somalia. And then, suddenly, Ethiopia, in a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Somaliland, suggested on January 1, 2024, that a quid pro quo may be possible after all: diplomatic recognition in return for access to the sea. If the deal were carried through as planned, it would be the most consequential international event in the Horn of Africa in decades. The hope was that Ethiopia’s recognition would pave the way for similar actions by other states, eventually leading to the birth of the world’s newest state, the Republic of Somaliland.

So, to recap the two scenarios: in the case of the Somali Republic, which came into being in 1960, the union of the former British and the former Italian Somaliland was an attempt to reject European colonial boundaries. In the case of Eritrea in 1962, its annexation to Ethiopia had substituted European colonial boundaries with indigenous imperial expansionism. 

Conflicts continue to define the Horn of Africa.

Blinded by post-colonial logic

Even if Ethiopia and Somaliland had been able to execute the MoU as planned without any negative repercussions, their solution would have fallen short of addressing the seemingly intractable problem of the Horn of Africa. But why is the region chronically unstable, in the first place, and what can be done about it for the long term?

All parties have an interest in the prosperity that a more stable region would generate.

The challenge, as so often, is about history. Ethiopia, alone among the states in the Horn of Africa, was never colonized. But its borders were nevertheless a product of domestic struggles and international arrangements made in capitals thousands of miles away. The ultimate consequence of the partition of the Horn of Africa was that cohesive nations of people, who should have been governing themselves, found themselves separated by borders into different states. Conversely, those who should have been separated found themselves on the same side of the line as people with conflicting cultures, histories, and traditions.

This is the fundamental root of the political instability of the Horn of Africa.

Consequently, what came into being in the region in the post-colonial period was Ethiopia, a state in search of a nation, and Somalia and Djibouti, nations in search of a state. Eritrea is neither a state nor a nation—it is an entity in search of both.

The political concept of state denotes administrative structure and control, and the sociological concept of nation denotes collective identity. 

Over the years, several proposals have been put forward for addressing the challenge of political instability in the Horn of Africa. One element that these proposals had in common was the need to maintain existing colonial borders, even if the countries in the region were to form some kind of union. The logic of avoiding the inevitable disputes and wrangling over a redrawing of boundaries is understandable. But is it compatible with a solution to the underlying problems?

What if our fixation with national borders, customs points, and fences is merely entrenching the errors of the past? What if we look instead at governance and decision-making, considering a framework that supports people’s needs without simply recreating existing problems in new locations? In fact, this formula is consistent with what is seemingly being practiced in Ethiopia at the moment—“ethnic federalism”. But the approach being suggested here also transcends this. The autonomy of different ethnic regions should be disproportional or asymmetric, reflecting the distinctive historical experiences of various regions. Some areas have greater cohesion and more unity and therefore need more autonomy; others less so.

It should be noted that such a concept is not new to Eritrea, either: Eritrea enjoyed a special status between 1952 and 1962. It was granted a federal status in an otherwise unitary Ethiopia. After a decade, however, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia abrogated the federal treaty with the support of the US, which, because of the Cold War, had a significant geostrategic interest in the region.

Such a special status should be extended not only to Eritrea but also to other regions in the Horn of Africa, including particularly Somaliland. If this type of asymmetric constitutionalism is implemented, the result could be the United States of the Horn of Africa. In theory, this would also become a stepping stone toward the realization of the long-dreamt United States of Africa.

Author’s note: In this essay, I have referred to the Horn of Africa as Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea. The Greater Horn of Africa clearly also encompasses Sudan, South Sudan, Kenya, and Uganda.

Seifudein Adem (PhD) is a visiting professor at the Institute of Advanced Research and Education at Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan.

Contributed by Seifudein Adem (PhD)

One year has passed. Over thirty-five cities have joined the architectural uprising once confined to Addis Ababa. Urban transformations now ripple across the national landscape. From the greenery of Hawassa to the renewal of Jimma, from the aesthetic rise of Bahir Dar to the reordering of Adama, a new visual vocabulary is being written across Ethiopia’s civic spaces. Cities once defined by disorder and decay now host roundabouts, cultural plazas, shaded walkways, and vibrant boulevards. Some now rival, and even surpass, capital cities of more economically developed nations. These are no longer dreams on blueprints. They are realities under our feet, forged not in comfort, but amid crisis.

Yet the question persists. Can roads compensate for repression. Can beauty coexist with bullets. How do we celebrate public parks while parts of the nation starve. This is the moral and philosophical contradiction that we must not run from, but confront with courage. Development is not the antithesis of justice. It is the architecture of hope. It does not erase suffering, but it offers an alternative to its permanence. The concrete of today may be contested, but the dignity it can provide tomorrow is undeniable.

To those who equate megaprojects with moral failure, I offer this. The absence of light never fed the hungry. A nation without vision will only inherit its own despair. Roads are not simply transportation tools. They are arteries of possibility. They move laborers, schoolchildren, ambulances, farmers, and traders. They bind fractured lands and signal to citizens that the state is not paralyzed by pity. To build is not to forget. It is to remember what a better future could look like.

In my earlier article, I acknowledged the wounds. The armed resistance in Oromia. The growing discontent in Amhara. The fragile and uncertain calm in Tigray. I did not mask the reality. I placed it next to ambition. And today, those fires have not been extinguished. If anything, new sparks are rising. In parts of Amhara, security remains elusive. In Oromia, decentralized violence challenges the very framework of federal control. In Tigray, uncertainty threatens to undo the gains of peace. Even darker are the whispers of looming conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea. These are not fictions. They are facts, heavy with consequence. But despite all this, Ethiopia has refused to stop building.

Development did not wait for war to end. Mega projects were not paused for politics to settle. Addis Ababa, once dismissed by many as an uninspiring capital for a proud continent, has reintroduced itself to Africa and the world. It has become not only the political heart of the African Union but also a growing hub for investment, diplomacy, cultural renaissance, and continental convenings. Events once diverted elsewhere are now gravitating toward a city that has rewritten its narrative through infrastructure and imagination. What was once aspirational has become evidence.

For example, Jigjiga, the capital of the Somali Region, once overlooked in national development narratives, is now emerging as a marvel in its own right. The urban beautification project underway there, though delayed in its early stages, has begun to redefine not only the city’s identity but also its regional standing. The transformation has captured the attention of Somalis across the Horn of Africa, many of whom now travel to Jigjiga not merely to visit family or attend conferences, but to witness with awe a city that challenges long-held assumptions about what is possible in peripheral Ethiopia. For some, the architectural and infrastructural changes are so striking that they momentarily question whether they are still in Africa. If Addis Ababa is earning its title as the diplomatic capital of the continent, Jigjiga is fast becoming a symbol of what inclusive development can look like when regional ambition is matched with federal commitment.

This defies conventional logic. No textbook would recommend building boulevards during blockades. No manual suggests hosting summits amid social fractures. Yet here we are. And the paradox holds. If Addis Ababa could blossom while the nation bled, perhaps there is a lesson not in denial, but in defiance. If wonder is real, then peace is not unreachable. If transformation is visible, then dialogue is viable. If leadership has risked much to dream aloud, perhaps it deserves a listening ear, not a reflexive dismissal.

Still, there are critics who read only what confirms their cynicism. For them, praise is always propaganda. Progress is always performance. And writing that dares to dwell on potential is accused of romanticism. But Ethiopia’s story is not one of absolutes. It is one of tensions. It is not a battle between heroes and villains, but between competing truths. The duty of the intellectual is not to pick sides in that binary, but to write across the whole terrain.

We all carry contradictions. So too does the state. So too does society. It is precisely because of this that our discourse must be honest and whole. To write of fountains is not to forget funerals. To speak of flyovers is not to silence farmers. The nation must be narrated in full. The beautiful. The broken. The becoming.

There is no perfection in Ethiopia’s governance. The Prosperity Party is navigating internal tremors. Regional states face capacity deficits. Institutions often trail behind vision. But none of this cancels the fact that the country has chosen motion over stagnation. That in itself is a political and spiritual posture worth contemplating.

What remains urgent is for this development to mean more than skyline elevation. The transformation must be institutional as much as infrastructural. The corridors must lead not just to trade routes, but to public trust. Cities must become spaces of inclusion, not islands of privilege. The dream must not exclude those on the margins. Development must never be a monologue of the elite. It must be a national chorus.

Mocking the dream because the dreamer is flawed diminishes the very essence of growth. What is required is refinement, not rejection. Vision must be sharpened through accountability, shaped by inclusive thinking, and advanced with thoughtful execution. Abandoning the capacity to imagine a better nation is not a sign of realism, but a surrender to stagnation. Progress requires those willing to write what is just and build what is essential, even when the conditions remain uncertain and the applause is not guaranteed.

Today’s leadership stands at the heart of a generational test. Confronted by internal contradictions, exposed to relentless critique, and burdened with the task of competing with the continent’s most advanced nations, it continues to push forward. This effort, though imperfect, speaks to an undeniable truth. It is easier to inherit a broken legacy than to reconstruct a credible one. Amid war fatigue, institutional fragility, and a polarized society, choosing development over despair, vision over victimhood, and movement over paralysis remains an act of national courage. That determination to deliver amidst division deserves thoughtful recognition and critical support from all who seek a stronger Ethiopian state.

Nations are remembered not solely for their darkest moments, but for how they convert adversity into momentum. Ethiopia’s story is still unfolding. It is not yet the model it aspires to be, but neither is it the caricature many once claimed it to be. For those who find disagreement within these reflections, engagement is encouraged. Rebuttal is welcomed. A robust national discourse is not weakened by dissent but strengthened by the courage to exchange ideas with integrity. A deeper democracy depends not on unanimity but on the discipline to listen, the maturity to evolve, and the shared belief that a better Ethiopia is not only possible but within reach.

Mohamud A. Ahmed (Prof.) is a political analyst, and a researcher. He is also the board chairman of OWS Development Fund.

Contributed by Mohamud A. Ahmed

In this regard, the EIMA International Agricultural Machinery Exhibition, organized by the Italian Trade Agency (ITA) in Bologna, Italy, every two years, comes to the forefront as it shares lessons in the transformative power of innovation, as well as a roadmap for Ethiopia’s agricultural future. It emphasizes the power of contemporary technologies to transform farming practices and contribute to a food-secure and economically vibrant nation.

Claudio Pasqualucci, trade commissioner of ITA to Addis Ababa, once said, “The Italian Trade Agency, as a government structure, promotes Italian business abroad.” Since they are part of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, their primary task is to help Italian businesses be more competitive abroad. And to do that, they incentivize business missions, trade delegations to trade fairs, participation in trade fairs abroad, and sustainable investment. Among one of the most important activities is to invite business delegations, including from Ethiopia, to attend their trade fairs.

EIMA is perhaps one of the most important trade fairs in the world for agribusiness. The technological machinery for agro-industry brings international delegates, including Ethiopians, to the stage where they can create the opportunity to transfer technology. It also brings various companies from all over the world to help them share their experiences in the agricultural technology sector.

Ethiopia’s agricultural sector, while providing employment for a significant portion of the workforce, frequently lags behind global standards in terms of both productivity and efficiency. Traditional farming practices, often characterized by limited access to modern machinery, reliance on unpredictable weather patterns, and outdated resource management techniques, have contributed to low yields and created vulnerabilities to food shortages.

This is where the promise of agricultural technology, or Agri-Tech, truly shines. The deployment of smart farming techniques, precision irrigation, advanced machinery, and data-driven solutions offers a clear pathway toward increased productivity, reduced waste, and enhanced resilience to the increasingly significant impacts of climate change. These technologies provide the potential to overcome the limitations of traditional practices and to propel Ethiopian agriculture into a new era of efficiency and sustainability.

Ethiopia’s agricultural sector, the cornerstone of its economy, continues to grapple with a multitude of persistent challenges. Antiquated methodologies, suboptimal resource utilization, and vulnerability to increasingly frequent environmental vicissitudes, particularly erratic rainfall patterns and prolonged droughts, have historically hampered productivity, thereby imperiling food security and significantly curtailing economic advancement.

What does ITA create through EIMA?

The EIMA International Agricultural Machinery Exhibition provides a comprehensive and forward-looking showcase of the latest and most innovative advancements in agricultural technology from around the globe. This premier event serves as a vital learning opportunity for Ethiopian policymakers, agricultural experts, and potential investors, offering a unique platform to observe, evaluate, and learn about the tools and techniques that can revolutionize the nation’s agricultural sector. EIMA’s significance extends beyond the mere exhibition of machinery and technology.

EIMA serves as a critical platform for knowledge exchange, networking, and the forging of vital partnerships that are essential to the successful integration of Agri-Tech into the Ethiopian agricultural landscape.

Key Technological Lessons and Strategic Roadmap from EIMA:

Ethiopia’s strategic embrace of Agri-Tech represents more than a technological transformation; it signifies a fundamental shift in the trajectory of the nation. By actively learning from events like EIMA and wisely investing in the right technologies and strategies, Ethiopia can tap into the hidden potential of its agricultural sector, ensuring food security, boosting economic growth, and creating a stronger and more successful future.

Modern Machinery: EIMA displays a comprehensive array of modern agricultural machinery, including the latest advancements in tractors, harvesters, and planting equipment. Investment in efficient and technologically advanced machinery can significantly improve overall productivity, decrease the physical burden on farmers, and reduce labor costs. This modernization allows for economies of scale, enabling farmers to cultivate larger areas of land more efficiently. Furthermore, modern machinery often improves soil health by minimizing soil compaction and erosion.

Irrigation Systems: With climate change presenting significant water scarcity challenges, EIMA showcased advanced irrigation systems, including the application of drip irrigation, automated irrigation systems, and a wide range of water-efficient technologies. These crucial innovations can help to improve water use efficiency, significantly increase yields, and optimize water usage, which is critical in arid and semi-arid regions.

Partnerships and Investment: The exhibition serves as a critical catalyst for fostering connections between agricultural technology providers and potential investors, both domestic and international.

Ethiopia needs to create a welcoming atmosphere that draws in important investments in Agri-Tech and develop strong partnerships to make sure farmers and tech providers can use these essential technologies. This includes creating favorable policies, streamlining investment processes, and providing access to financial resources for both farmers and technology providers.

The Road Ahead: A Multi-Faceted Strategy for Agri-Tech Adoption

Ethiopia’s ambitious journey towards successfully adopting and integrating agricultural technology requires a comprehensive, multi-faceted approach:

Government Support: The government plays a vital role in creating a genuinely conducive environment for Agri-Tech adoption. This includes establishing supportive policies that incentivize investment, ensuring access to financial resources, and providing regulatory frameworks that promote innovation. This could involve offering tax breaks, subsidies, and loan guarantees to farmers and technology providers. Therefore, the government should also facilitate the development of infrastructure, such as roads, power grids, and communication networks, which are essential for the successful implementation and operation of Agri-Tech solutions.

Capacity Building: Investing in human capital is absolutely crucial for the successful implementation of Agri-Tech. This involves making substantial investments in agricultural research, providing expanded and improved extension services, and developing targeted farmer training programs that equip farmers with the essential skills needed to effectively utilize and maintain new technologies. This includes creating training programs that address specific technologies, such as precision agriculture or irrigation systems.

Infrastructure Development: Improved infrastructure, including the expansion and upgrading of transportation networks, the establishment of modern and efficient storage facilities, and the enhancement of communication networks, is essential to support the adoption and effective use of Agri-Tech.

Public-Private Partnerships: Collaboration between the government, private sector, and research institutions is absolutely critical to driving genuine innovation and significantly accelerating the widespread adoption of Agri-Tech. These partnerships can leverage the expertise, resources, and perspectives of all stakeholders to develop and implement effective solutions. This can take the form of joint ventures, research collaborations, and initiatives to promote knowledge sharing and technology transfer. Public-private partnerships can also help to mobilize the necessary financial resources for investment in Agri-Tech.

Ethiopia’s embrace of Agri-Tech represents far more than a simple technological shift; it is a genuinely transformational change that will indelibly shape the nation’s future. By actively learning from events like EIMA and thoughtfully investing in the right technologies and strategies, Ethiopia can unlock the previously untapped potential of its agricultural sector, ensuring long-term food security, fostering sustainable economic growth, and building a more resilient and truly prosperous future for all its people.

The journey, undoubtedly, will be challenging, but the rewards—a food-secure and thriving Ethiopia—are undeniably worth the considerable effort and strategic commitment. The success of this endeavor is vital not just for Ethiopia but as a potential model for other nations seeking to harness the power of innovation to build a more sustainable and equitable future.

Abiy Habtamu Kidane has an extensive experience in the field of journalism with an MA in Multimedia Journalism.

Contributed by Abiy Habtamu Kidane

Yet today, Africa remains without a permanent seat or veto power at the Security Council, even though more than 70% of the Council’s agenda has historically been focused on African issues—ranging from peacekeeping missions to sanctions and conflict resolution. This stark imbalance has led to growing frustration and a renewed call for structural reform.

But as Africa pushes for a stronger voice globally, an important question arises: is the continent truly ready to lead on the world stage? The answer depends as much on internal reform and unity as it does on international recognition.

The Ezulwini Consensus: Africa’s Unified Demand

In 2005, African leaders gathered in Ezulwini, Eswatini, and adopted a historic agreement now known as the Ezulwini Consensus. In this unified position, the African Union (AU) proposed a formula to correct the long-standing marginalization of Africa at the UN: two permanent seats with veto power, and five non-permanent seats, the 2+5 formula, on the Security Council.

The call is grounded in the need to correct what African leaders have called “historical injustices.” When the UN was founded after World War II, Africa was still largely under colonial rule. Its interests were neither represented nor respected in the creation of the post-war world order. Today, with its population expected to surpass 2.5 billion by 2050 and its geopolitical importance growing, Africa insists it can no longer be left out of key global decision-making platforms.

The AU’s recent admission as a permanent member of the G20 was a symbolic but significant step in this direction. It suggests that global powers are beginning to recognize Africa’s relevance. However, symbolism must be matched with substance. For Africa to lead globally, it must first confront its own internal challenges.

Challenges at Home: Governance, Security, Development

While Africa has every right to demand inclusion, many of its internal struggles undermine the strength of its external voice. The continent continues to grapple with serious governance and security issues. The resurgence of coups, referred to by the AU as “Unconstitutional Changes of Government,” has shaken political stability in countries like Niger, Mali, and Guinea. Civil wars, insurgencies, and extremist threats remain active in parts of the Sahel, Horn of Africa, and Great Lakes regions.

Meanwhile, piracy, human trafficking, and irregular migration are on the rise. Maritime crimes in the Gulf of Guinea, for example, have become a major international security concern. At the same time, economic instability in many African states continues to push thousands into desperate migration routes, often with tragic consequences.

On the economic front, much of the continent struggles with underdeveloped infrastructure, food insecurity, and limited industrial capacity. Agriculture, which employs the majority of the population, remains largely inefficient and vulnerable to climate change. Manufacturing output is low, and many local markets are overwhelmed by foreign goods, with minimal protection or promotion of domestic industry.

The continent also lags behind in science, technology, and innovation, areas crucial for long-term development and global competitiveness. While there is no shortage of talent, there is a deficit in investment, infrastructure, and coordination to harness that potential.

These are not minor challenges. They are foundational weaknesses that cast doubt on Africa’s readiness to take on permanent, leadership-level responsibility in global affairs.

Agenda 2063 and Institutional Reform

Recognizing the need for transformation, the AU has outlined an ambitious development blueprint—Agenda 2063. It envisions “an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens.” The plan includes targets for economic growth, infrastructure development, social inclusion, education, and technological innovation.

To support this vision, the AU began internal reforms in 2016 to become a more efficient, transparent, and financially independent institution. These reforms aim to reduce donor dependency, streamline operations, and strengthen enforcement mechanisms among member states. Yet, progress has been slow. Many of the same bureaucratic inefficiencies and political rivalries that have historically plagued the Union continue to limit its effectiveness.

Unity and Representation: A Tough Tuning

One of the thorniest issues in Africa’s UNSC bid is the question of representation. Even if the world agrees to give Africa two permanent seats, which countries would occupy them?

Regional powers like South Africa, Nigeria, and Egypt are often mentioned as frontrunners. These countries have relatively larger economies, more stable institutions, and diplomatic influence. Yet their nomination is far from universally accepted. Other nations question whether these “big three” can truly represent the diverse interests of the entire continent. In fact, AU has its own preference which country to nominate.

Unlike the European Union, which has developed mechanisms for collective diplomacy, the AU lacks a clear process for selecting and mandating representatives on behalf of all its members. And given that each African country also has its own foreign policy, economic agenda, and regional alliances, the risk of internal competition is high.

Moreover, there are signs that the global powers currently dominating the Security Council are cherry-picking which “emerging powers” to include. There are countries termed as G4, Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan, as four countries supporting each other’s bids for permanent seats on the UNSC.

Africa has garnered supports from countries including the UNSC permanent members such as the US and France. India, Brazil, and South Africa are often named together in reform discussions, hinting at a preference for individual states rather than collective blocs like the AU. This dents Africa’s efforts to speak with a united voice.

The Path Forward: More Than a Seat

There is no question that Africa deserves fairer and meaningful representation at the United Nations and other global bodies. But gaining a seat is not the end goal. The challenge lies in attesting that Africa can lead, not just participate.

But that entails, stronger governance at national and continental levels, genuine unity and consensus on key foreign policy priorities, bold action to address economic inequality and underdevelopment, institutions that are accountable, effective, and rooted in the needs of everyday people.

The AU and its member states must also become closer to their citizens. Continental diplomacy must not be disengaged from domestic realities. Representation in New York or Geneva means diminutive if millions at home remain marginalized, unemployed, or unsafe.

Ultimately, leadership starts from within. Africa’s global ambitions are valid and overdue—but they must be matched by real reforms, tangible results, and a clear demonstration of the continent’s readiness to help shape the future of global peace, security, and development.

Because in the end, representation is not just about having a seat at the table—it is about having the strength, unity, and vision to lead once you are there.

Contributed by Birhanu Fikade

Extreme rainfall and climate change are the main drivers of flooding

Intensified short duration rainfall increases have been highlighted as the new normal in most of the Nile Basin by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) on Africa. In Sudan multiple reports have cited above-normal precipitation over the past three years. This year, in September alone, Sudan has experienced 200–400 percent more rainfall than average. Abu Bakr Mustafa (Eng.), a Sudanese dam and infrastructure consultant, explained in an interview with Radio Dabanga that this year’s rainfall exceeded 150 mm per day in some areas, leading to torrents that swept through Kassala, Port Sudan, Dongola, Wadi Halfa, Atbara, Shendi, Khartoum, and Omdurman. The Atbara River recorded flows of 550 Million Meter Cube (MCM) in August—double its normal rate. In his view, it was these rains, intensified by climate change, that caused flooding across Sudan. The governor of El Gezira reinforced this stating that climate change contributed to the flooding, while announcing support and compensation for affected farmers.      

The geography tells the story of the White Nile flood contribution    
This year, floods were widespread across Sudan, affecting communities along the Atbara, White Nile, and Blue Nile. It is illogical to pinpoint such widespread flooding on a single upstream reservoir. The Jebel Awliya Emergency Room warned that rising White Nile waters had overtopped barriers in several areas—including El Assal, Taiba El Hasnab, El Shaqilab, and El Kalaklat—submerging neighborhoods and leaving homes at risk of collapse. The Irrigation Minister of Sudan noted that rising White Nile waters have swept through barriers and submerged neighborhoods in Jebel Awliya and beyond threatening homes with collapse. The Atbara River also recorded flows nearly double its normal rate, further contributing to the flooding. Blaming GERD for floods along the White Nile or Atbara is simply unfounded and distracts the real drivers: climate change and extreme rainfall. In addition, the average releases from GERD during the month of September was 472 MCM, well below the normal flood level of just over 600 MCM.

What do history and science tell us? GERD reduced devastating flood risk
One only needs to look back to the devastating 2020 floods in Sudan, considered a once-in-a-century event where August 2020 peak flows were more than 900 MCM. Modeling of reservoir operations and flood routing consistently shows that GERD, even at full capacity, reduces downstream flood risk by attenuating extreme flows during the rainy season. The whole idea of having GERD storage, which is roughly 150 percent more than the annual Abbay (Blue Nile) flow, is to have consistent energy production throughout the year. This means, by design, the reservoir holds more water during the flood season. That is exactly what happened this year: more water from the heavy summer flow was held back. Without GERD absorbing some of the flood waters, the combined Atbara and Blue Nile floods could have released flows in the order of a billion cubic meters per day. In other words, GERD shielded Sudan from a catastrophic incident, it did not exacerbate the situation.

The real issue: Undermining Ethio-Sudanese cooperation
It is telling that Sudanese experts are not blaming GERD, while some Egyptian commentators continue to do so based on unscientific opinions. This reflects politics more so than science. What Sudanese officials noted was that high discharges from the dam coincided with seasonal floods— an observation that points to the urgent need for coordination between Ethiopia and Sudan. Sudanese officials further clarified that reaching “flood level” at monitoring stations does not necessarily mean widespread flooding, but only that the river has reached its banks.

Sudanese professionals emphasized the real drivers of Sudan’s flood impacts this year were: outdated dam management practices, weak urban planning, and the lack of protection along the Nile banks. Rightly pointed out is also uncontrolled population encroachment into flood channels leaving communities dangerously exposed. Sudan also relies on protocols that assume rainfall peaks in mid-September (a rule curve that has been in place since pre-GERD and needs to be updated) even though heavy rains now extend through the end of the month.

This response is not to dismiss Sudan’s suffering, nor to take GERD entirely out of the equation. Instead it is to stress that the real solutions lie in updating monitoring and early warning systems, strengthening floodplain management, and building transparent cooperation on dam operations. Blaming GERD for every flood may score political points, but it will not protect communities on the ground. Furthermore, some Egyptian non-water subject matter experts are attempting to distract the public by distorting basic hydrologic science knowledge about the Nile. This misinformation undermines efforts to strengthen Ethio-Sudanese cooperation.

Beyond the rhetoric, towards collaboration

Unfortunately, the Egyptian Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation, Hani Sewilam, politicized and blamed GERD for every flooding in Sudan despite GERD’s documented attenuation of heavy water flow coming to Sudan. He declared: “This dam is illegitimate and will remain so. Present and future generations must not take it as normal or accept it as a fact of life, except within the framework of a binding legal agreement for all parties.” Such rhetoric illustrates the real issue: GERD is not being judged on its tangible merits, but on Egypt’s distorted political entitlement and insistence that the dam should never have been in existence to begin with. This refusal to accept the new facts on the ground and insistence to cling to bygone eras of unjust paradigms colonial arrangements when the rest of the basin has moved forward is clear not just in Egypt’s behavior in this instance but in their resistance to the legalization of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) which would assure equitable and reasonable water use in the Nile basin countries.

In short, GERD is repeatedly cast as a scapegoat for every Nile crisis, even when evidence points, in this case, to rainfall extremes and local vulnerabilities as the true causes of flooding in Sudan.
Sudan’s tragedy this year and for the last many in the past is a reminder of the compounding pressures of climate change and the need for building resiliency through coordinated adaptation in many countries within the Nile Basin. The GERD, far from being the problem, is part of the solution if managed cooperatively. It can reduce floods, enhance energy security, and regulate flows in ways that benefit all Nile Basin countries. But understanding the advantages of the GERD requires accepting the new facts on the ground: the Nile today is not the Nile of yesterday. Fanning flames with speculative blame serves media agendas but does not help the millions living along the river.

If the Nile basin states move away from finger-pointing and toward consensus, it is then possible to ask      the question: how can the Nile basin countries maximize the utilization of Nile Basin resources and work towards achieving a shared vision rooted in sustainability and equity?      

This should come through sustained collaborative work across the basin on win-win solutions through the Nile River Basin Commission that is already approved by the majority of the basin countries.

The GERD International Collaborative Consortium (GICC) is established by independent organizations to work collaboratively in support of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) projects and water resources management.

Contributed by The GERD International Collaborative Consortium

Sudan has been hit by devastating floods again this year, and as often happens speculation about the cause has been quick to spread. While Sudanese officials and engineers have not blamed the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), an Egyptian geologist and subsequent media coverage has claimed that the GERD is the culprit, stating that four turbines that were not working created excess pressure leading to excessive water flow into Sudan. This claim is neither substantiated by GERD water release data nor consistent with reports from Sudanese experts and authorities on the ground. Instead, it follows a familiar pattern of casting GERD as a scapegoat for every Nile basin crisis. Such an approach risks undermining collaboration between neighboring Nile Basin countries going forward and should be refuted. So let’s look at the actual facts on the ground.

Extreme rainfall and climate change are the main drivers of flooding

Intensified short duration rainfall increases have been highlighted as the new normal in most of the Nile Basin by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) on Africa. In Sudan multiple reports have cited above-normal precipitation over the past three years. This year, in September alone, Sudan has experienced 200–400 percent more rainfall than average. Abu Bakr Mustafa (Eng.), a Sudanese dam and infrastructure consultant, explained in an interview with Radio Dabanga that this year’s rainfall exceeded 150 mm per day in some areas, leading to torrents that swept through Kassala, Port Sudan, Dongola, Wadi Halfa, Atbara, Shendi, Khartoum, and Omdurman. The Atbara River recorded flows of 550 Million Meter Cube (MCM) in August—double its normal rate. In his view, it was these rains, intensified by climate change, that caused flooding across Sudan. The governor of El Gezira reinforced this stating that climate change contributed to the flooding, while announcing support and compensation for affected farmers.      

The geography tells the story of the White Nile flood contribution. This year, floods were widespread across Sudan, affecting communities along the Atbara, White Nile, and Blue Nile. It is illogical to pinpoint such widespread flooding on a single upstream reservoir. The Jebel Awliya Emergency Room warned that rising White Nile waters had overtopped barriers in several areas—including El Assal, Taiba El Hasnab, El Shaqilab, and El Kalaklat—submerging neighborhoods and leaving homes at risk of collapse. The Irrigation Minister of Sudan noted that rising White Nile waters have swept through barriers and submerged neighborhoods in Jebel Awliya and beyond threatening homes with collapse. The Atbara River also recorded flows nearly double its normal rate, further contributing to the flooding. Blaming GERD for floods along the White Nile or Atbara is simply unfounded and distracts the real drivers: climate change and extreme rainfall. In addition, the average releases from GERD during the month of September was 472 MCM, well below the normal flood level of just over 600 MCM.

What do history and science tell us? GERD reduced devastating flood risk.
One only needs to look back to the devastating 2020 floods in Sudan, considered a once-in-a-century event where August 2020 peak flows were more than 900 MCM. Modeling of reservoir operations and flood routing consistently shows that GERD, even at full capacity, reduces downstream flood risk by attenuating extreme flows during the rainy season. The whole idea of having GERD storage, which is roughly 150 percent more than the annual Abbay (Blue Nile) flow, is to have consistent energy production throughout the year. This means, by design, the reservoir holds more water during the flood season. That is exactly what happened this year: more water from the heavy summer flow was held back. Without GERD absorbing some of the flood waters, the combined Atbara and Blue Nile floods could have released flows in the order of a billion cubic meters per day. In other words, GERD shielded Sudan from a catastrophic incident, it did not exacerbate the situation.

The real issue: Undermining Ethio-Sudanese cooperation

It is telling that Sudanese experts are not blaming GERD, while some Egyptian commentators continue to do so based on unscientific opinions. This reflects politics more so than science. What Sudanese officials noted was that high discharges from the dam coincided with seasonal floods— an observation that points to the urgent need for coordination between Ethiopia and Sudan. Sudanese officials further clarified that reaching “flood level” at monitoring stations does not necessarily mean widespread flooding, but only that the river has reached its banks.

Sudanese professionals emphasized the real drivers of Sudan’s flood impacts this year were: outdated dam management practices, weak urban planning, and the lack of protection along the Nile banks. Rightly pointed out is also uncontrolled population encroachment into flood channels leaving communities dangerously exposed. Sudan also relies on protocols that assume rainfall peaks in mid-September (a rule curve that has been in place since pre-GERD and needs to be updated) even though heavy rains now extend through the end of the month.

This response is not to dismiss Sudan’s suffering, nor to take GERD entirely out of the equation. Instead it is to stress that the real solutions lie in updating monitoring and early warning systems, strengthening floodplain management, and building transparent cooperation on dam operations. Blaming GERD for every flood may score political points, but it will not protect communities on the ground. Furthermore, some Egyptian non-water subject matter experts are attempting to distract the public by distorting basic hydrologic science knowledge about the Nile. This misinformation undermines efforts to strengthen Ethio-Sudanese cooperation.

Beyond the rhetoric, towards collaboration

Unfortunately, the Egyptian Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation, Hani Sewilam, politicized and blamed GERD for every flooding in Sudan despite GERD’s documented attenuation of heavy water flow coming to Sudan. He declared: “This dam is illegitimate and will remain so. Present and future generations must not take it as normal or accept it as a fact of life, except within the framework of a binding legal agreement for all parties.” Such rhetoric illustrates the real issue: GERD is not being judged on its tangible merits, but on Egypt’s distorted political entitlement and insistence that the dam should never have been in existence to begin with. This refusal to accept the new facts on the ground and insistence to cling to bygone eras of unjust paradigms colonial arrangements when the rest of the basin has moved forward is clear not just in Egypt’s behavior in this instance but in their resistance to the legalization of the Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA) which would assure equitable and reasonable water use in the Nile basin countries.

In short, GERD is repeatedly cast as a scapegoat for every Nile crisis, even when evidence points, in this case, to rainfall extremes and local vulnerabilities as the true causes of flooding in Sudan.
Sudan’s tragedy this year and for the last many in the past is a reminder of the compounding pressures of climate change and the need for building resiliency through coordinated adaptation in many countries within the Nile Basin. The GERD, far from being the problem, is part of the solution if managed cooperatively. It can reduce floods, enhance energy security, and regulate flows in ways that benefit all Nile Basin countries. But understanding the advantages of the GERD requires accepting the new facts on the ground: the Nile today is not the Nile of yesterday. Fanning flames with speculative blame serves media agendas but does not help the millions living along the river.

If the Nile basin states move away from finger-pointing and toward consensus, it is then possible to ask      the question: how can the Nile basin countries maximize the utilization of Nile Basin resources and work towards achieving a shared vision rooted in sustainability and equity?      

This should come through sustained collaborative work across the basin on win-win solutions through the Nile River Basin Commission that is already approved by the majority of the basin countries.

The GERD International Collaborative Consortium (GICC) is established by independent organizations to work collaboratively in support of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) projects and water resources management.