To mobilize resources and align efforts toward powering Africa, these leading financial institutions are working alongside key partners such as The Rockefeller Foundation, the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet (GEAPP), Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL), and the World Bank’s Energy Sector Management Assistance Program (ESMAP) trust fund.

Enas Abdella Abdulmalik serves as the country lead for Ethiopia at GEAPP. The Reporter’s Sisay Sahlu sat down with Enas to find out more about the massive undertaking that is Mission 300. With more than two decades of experience in strategy, finance, and sustainable development, Enas plays a pivotal role in advancing GEAPP’s mission to tackle energy poverty and climate change through innovative clean energy solutions tailored to local needs. Read more about what she had to say.

The Reporter: Could you briefly introduce yourself and Mission 300?

I am the country lead for the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet, which is a philanthropic organization that was started a few years back by the Rockefeller Foundation, IKEA Foundation and Bezos Earth Fund. It has three pillars: energy access or transition, job creation and enabling livelihoods, and carbon removal. So they got together and formed this new entity called GEAPP for short, the Global Energy Alliance, to further this mission.

Mission 300 is an initiative that brings together two large multilateral development banks, the African Development Bank and the World Bank, to accelerate and provide energy access for 300 million Africans by 2030. This is an initiative that started last year.

How do you plan to implement this initiative? Do you believe the target of reaching 300 million people by 2030 is truly feasible?

That’s a very good question. Some of the access numbers are going to come from existing programs that the World Bank and African Development Bank are actually already doing, but some are going to be new.

Is it feasible? We’re going to try. The good thing about this sort of initiative is that the two banks came together and agreed on a path forward to actually accelerate this sort of initiative. So is it feasible? I mean, unless you try, you won’t know, right? But really, our strategy is designed to empower nations.

We have the political leadership from the top down to actually implement this. In January 2025, there was something called the Tanzanian meeting on energy access where over nearly 30 heads of state came together and agreed to the Mission 300 initiative and to drive it from the top down.

So at least we have the buy-in from the top-down and then we can actually push it through as well.

What mechanisms are you using to achieve this goal? Are you directly engaging in implementation, or are you primarily supporting governments in building the systems themselves?

We support governments. We support the integration of essentially locally led approaches into the broader climate finance agenda. There are currently 27 national energy compacts in progress. Twelve have been signed and 15 are underway, which structure and promote country-specific energy efforts. For example, in Ethiopia, which is where I work as well, the compacts, which is the document that actually says that we’re going to try to do X and Y, is in the process of drafting and ready to be signed hopefully in the next month or so. Once these compacts are signed, we, as GEAPP, are creating what we call CDMUs, or Compact Delivery Monitoring Units.

This will look different in every country where we can actually deliver and monitor, essentially like a delivery unit of these compacts across the board. It essentially aims to strengthen delivery capacity, improve stakeholder coordination, and integrate development goals such as job creation into the energy projects. GEAPP also is working on an initiative called Productive Africa, which looks at the development side of the access story.

For example, if you avail energy access to a community that has never had power, they will use it to charge their mobile phones or one lamp. But what we’re hoping to do is actually accelerate additional uses or the productive use of energy, which also has really large broader economic development for our communities.

One issue often raised in Sub-Saharan African nations, including Ethiopia, is the level of political commitment to climate action. How are you addressing this challenge?

That’s a great question. And that’s why I mentioned what took place earlier this year in Tanzania. It’s called the Dar es Salaam Energy Declaration. It happened just this January where 30 heads of state all signed on to the Mission 300 initiative.

So there is political commitment. There is willingness. Now we just have to push it through.

This year marks COP30. Over the past three decades, we’ve seen agreement after agreement and initiative after initiative on climate action. What gives you confidence that this particular initiative will be fulfilled?

Well, this is African. COP constitutes the broader goals; Mission 300 is purely African. The initiative aims to electrify 300 million Africans. That’s half the number of people that don’t have power today. Six hundred million Africans don’t have power today.

This is a very audacious goal to reach by 2030. But there is political commitment. The aim is to actually accelerate the implementation and mobilize money, not only from DFIs and multilateral banks, but also bring together private sectors. There are agreements with the Trade and Development Bank (TDB) to mobilize and funnel through the private sector into energy generation. And that’s why it’s different. Never in history, at least on African soil, have the World Bank and African Development Bank worked together with this joint mission from their heads to actually push this agenda through.

Why are the IKEA Foundation, Bezos Earth Fund and Rockefeller Foundation involved if the initiative is purely African? 

I do not represent Rockefeller, IKEA Foundation, or Bezos Earth Fund. I’m from GEAPP, the Global Energy Alliance. So that’s a different entity.

But, for example, Rockefeller has been supporting energy access and transition programs across the world for many, many years. They’re providing technical assistance money to support the CDMUs across African countries where they could actually embed this. For example, in Malawi, it might be embedded within the presidential office. The unit will be embedded there to actually work with all the line ministries because energy, as you know, is just not energy usage. It touches agriculture. It touches irrigation. It touches many industries.

Whose initiative is this?

It’s an initiative by AfDB and the World Bank.

Is it not possible to work with an African philanthropic organization instead of going outside the continent?

You tell me, is there an African philanthropic organization?

If there is a strong determination to establish an Africa-led initiative, why not take the lead and act on it directly, rather than waiting for another round of philanthropy from the west or North America?

Mission 300 is driven by the World Bank and AfDB. AfDB is an African entity. Their partners are also African. For example, TDB is an African entity working in southern and eastern Africa. But there’s lots of African entities actually involved in this.

You can’t push the compacts across different countries without working with African entities. The technical support and assistance; some of them are actually coming from Rockefeller, Solar Cookers for All (Sc4all), and some support from others like JAP Africa as well. But I think different folks are actually keen to push it through. For example, we had a meeting earlier today around clean cooking. JAP Africa does not do clean cooking, but there’s a clean cooking alliance, which is Africa-based. That’s also part of Mission 300.

In international gatherings and summits, there is often concern about the persistent funding gap — a concern that has only grown since the United States withdrew from some international organizations. How will this affect institutions such as the World Bank and the African Development Bank? Do you believe they will still receive some level of funding from the US, one way or another?

I think that’s a question for the World Bank and African Development Bank.

Given that you are implementing something here, would it be unreasonable to assume that you have some idea?

So far, we do not.

Have you encountered any funding issues?

Not under Mission 300, no. I mean, part of Mission 300 is actually to mobilize money and catalyze money across the board from many different entities. If the Americans drop out, the Americans drop out.

There’s still a need for electrifying 300 million Africans in Sub-Saharan Africa.

What are the main challenges in achieving clean energy access across the African continent? Which key factors are holding back progress, and what specific issues does this initiative aim to address?

That’s very complicated. Africa is not one country. For example, in South Africa, access is not really an issue; its transition. They have non-renewable sources of energy and they have to transition over to renewables because of the climate change issue. In DRC and Nigeria, it’s a mix of both. They have people that don’t have access and people that do but are using diesel generators.

So it’s a mix. I don’t think you can paint the solution and the problem with just one liner. I can talk about Ethiopia, which is not the same as any other country. In Kenya, access is not an issue as well. There’s maybe optimal access. Do they have blackouts? Is it cheap? Is it affordable? All these other questions are there. And are they actually using appliances optimally? In Ethiopia, we have 50 to 60 million people without power.

Most of these people are smaller farmers in rural areas where the transmission line might go over their village but doesn’t come down to their houses. There are fundamental issues as to why this is. For example, the tariff rate is highly subsidized.

So both EEP [Ethiopian Electric Power] and EEU [Ethiopian Electric Utility] are operating at a loss. But farmers can’t afford to pay cost-effective tariffs. We in the city can’t afford to pay cost-effective tariffs.

There’s a mismatch there. They can’t pull down the lines because it’s very expensive to do so. So then they have to find sources of financing. And it takes a long time. What Ethiopia has done in the last five years is actually allowing private sector developers in off-grid areas to actually generate and sell energy—DRE or distributed renewable energy. Mini-grids are now a thing. And under EEU, they’re building 20 to 30 mini-grids under the World Bank program. We also have a program called DREAM that’s actually looking at doing that around Arba Minch, outside Hawassa, and in other southern cities.

But these are all mini grids, off grid. We’re hopeful that we can power centralized irrigation schemes for farmers that are actually in clusters, who then actually cost-subsidize their own homes and have very, very low subsidized rates for their homes. But for the actual productive use of energy, it’s actually a much higher rate.

Our directive allows that. It’s been five years, but no company has actually even fully tested it or been fully licensed. We’re hoping that our program might be the first one. We have developers coming into Ethiopia and actually investing as FDI into the space. Things are changing.

It’s highly complex. But fundamentally, the more energy you use, the more you earn money in terms of empowerment and broader economic development. It goes hand in hand. Really, energy is an enabler of the reduction of poverty. It’s a big factor and a big focus why our program, under Productive Africa, actually supports sort of the additional usage of energy and not just access.

As governments are often the largest investors in the sector, is there an enabling legal framework and enabling environment for private investment to engage in the energy sector?

Yeah, absolutely. I mean, I can speak about Ethiopia again. Our Ministry of Finance is trying to do large-scale, utility-scale PPPs or IPPs with private investors in geothermal and solar plants and wind. There are always MOUs signed with very large firms. But the feed-in tariff rate is always a big issue. For example, on the off-grid site we operate, we have an international mini-grid developer that’s keen to invest in the next month. The developer is in the process of registering or being licensed. It’s changing slowly but the regulation is there and it allows private sector investment. But it’s also difficult. There’s a lot of processes. It’s new to the country. It’s new to the investors. So we have to walk that path before we actually provide feedback to improve it.

Is it open to all investors?

In off-grid, it is. The law allows for off-grid developers. There’s a directive that permits the generation and selling of energy to off-grid customers. But nobody has fully tested it out. So we’re testing it out. For utility, large-scale, you can sign PPPs like the Ministry of Finance. But if it’s small-scale and off-grid, it’s possible.

There is a significant data challenge here in Ethiopia, where many have to rely on international institutions like the UN for up-to-date information. Does this pose a challenge to you? In reality, how many people actually have access to electricity?

For example, the Ministry of Water and Energy has a lot of data but it’s a tricky question. I think the answer is that it depends. When was the last time a census was conducted in Ethiopia? Like 15, 18 years ago. So yes, data accuracy is a big question. You’re right.

Has this been a problem for you?

Once you make your presumptions, then you have to go to the sites and actually do actual physical ground-truthing. For example, if you presume that this area doesn’t have power because the median voltage line is here, but nobody’s giving you information, you have to pay money and go fly there or drive there to actually confirm that what you think on paper is true is actually true. Ground-truthing is a big part of the work that developers do on the ground. 

Climate change is a major issue today, especially among millennials and Gen Z. We see protests in the west and even across Africa, as young people demand action. Yet some leaders, such as President Trump, appear indifferent to the issue. Climate change has become a global agenda item. How do you see the relationship between climate change and renewable energy?

Well, the good thing is that we’re on a different continent. We’re in Africa, so we’re not in America. But, you know, it’s funny, I had a meeting earlier today with members of parliament that are part of the climate parliamentary working group in their own countries—Uganda, Botswana, and several others—and climate is a big part of the conversation. In Uganda, you cannot start new work before receiving a certificate of climate compliance. Climate agendas are embedded into parliaments and members of parliament today.

Can we say there is an equal understanding of climate issues and their impact?

I don’t think anybody can say that, because my understanding is probably even very different from yours.

How do you see climate injustice as an African?

It’s an injustice. Like you said, it’s an injustice.

How do we correct this injustice?

Our Prime Minister said it during the opening session. He said that we have had the least impact, well, if you remove South Africa, and we’re the most impacted. Even during my earlier meeting with members of parliament from Botswana, they said that villages are aware that if they don’t make this an agenda, they’re going to be impacted. There are floods. There are droughts where historically it was not part of their life. But now it is. I think a sort of grassroots movement is also happening within the African continent.

Whenever there are climate-related meetings, the central issue is often financing. Developed countries usually promise and pledge billions of dollars, but in practice, the funds are not delivered. How can developing nations address this challenge?

That’s why programs like Mission 300 are critical because it coalesces everybody and actually drives an agenda forward to ensure that people are moving forward from the high levels, say in D.C., heads of state and all the way down. That’s why it’s really, really important that we all support initiatives like this.

What about financing from domestic entities and investors?

A big part of Mission 300 is engaging the private sector. Private sector developers, implementers, financiers, all of that is part and parcel. Even a small country like Malawi requires billions of dollars.

How’s it going to happen? You have to get everybody involved. A bigger country like Ethiopia needs tens of billions of dollars. So, you have to get everybody involved. It’s not a grant thing. It’s not just money being given away. It’s mobilizing everyone toward the same goal and moving it forward and with the highest levels of commitment.

In a strongly worded letter dated September 9, 2025, Ethiopia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gedion Timothewos (PhD), cheered the GERD’s inauguration as a “generational aspiration fulfilled,” while firmly rejecting Egypt’s accusations of unilateralism and threats to regional stability.

His letter, submitted in direct response to Egypt’s plea to the UNSC, counters Cairo’s claim that the dam’s operationalization violates international law and endangers Egypt’s water security.

Egypt, in its own letter to the UNSC on the same day, stated: “Ethiopia’s purported inauguration of GERD constitutes yet another breach of Ethiopia’s obligations under both customary and conventional international law.”

It further argued that the dam’s completion, achieved through “unilateral actions and fait accompli,” does not render it lawful nor legitimize future unilateral actions by Ethiopia on the Blue Nile.

Ethiopia’s response emphasized: “This joyous occasion marks the determination of the people of Ethiopia to use the River Abbay to attain development and prosperity.” The letter also highlighted the presence of African heads of state and regional organizations at the inauguration, underscoring broad continental support.

The letter reaffirmed Ethiopia’s commitment to the 2015 Declaration of Principles and detailed its exhaustive negotiation efforts with Egypt and Sudan. It accused Egypt of obstructing dialogue and refusing to ratify the Nile Basin Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA), which entered into force in October 2024 and enshrines equitable and reasonable utilization of transboundary watercourses.

Ethiopia criticized Egypt’s invocation of “historic rights” and its claim that riparian countries cannot use the Nile due to Egypt’s arid climate. Minister Gedion called this position “baseless and counterproductive,” urging Egypt to invest in groundwater development, desalination, and sustainable water management.

In one of the letter’s most pointed remarks, Gedion stated: “Egypt’s contempt for the dignity of sub-Saharan African countries, including Ethiopia, is rooted in a view that privileges certain categories of people over others and has no place in the twenty-first century.”

Egypt’s letter also referenced a non-binding advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ), but Ethiopia questioned its relevance and legal weight. Ethiopia framed the GERD as a symbol of African self-reliance and climate-friendly development, expressing hope that it would inspire similar projects across the continent. It further warned that Egypt’s “hostile posture” and destabilizing activities in the Horn of Africa are well documented.

As this latest exchange marks a new phase in the decade-long GERD dispute—with Ethiopia asserting regional leadership and Egypt doubling down on its claims of existential threat—Minister Gedion concluded by stating that Egypt’s water use and projects have “no bearing whatsoever” on Ethiopia’s legitimate and equitable use of the Nile.

At the center of these efforts was Mukhtar Babayev, COP29 president and Special Representative of the President of Azerbaijan for Climate Issues, whose supervision of the process has been defined by a focus on unity, ambition, and practical implementation.

In the lead-up to COP30 set to take place in Brazil, Babayev visited Addis Ababa to participate in the Second African Climate Summit. He underscored the importance of Africa’s role in the climate conversation, both as a region disproportionately affected by climate impacts and as a continent with vast potential for clean energy transformation. In his engagements, he urged nations to accelerate investment in climate solutions, strengthen multilateral cooperation, and ensure that promises made in previous summits translate into tangible action.

With a career rooted in environmental stewardship and a clear vision for collaborative action during his August 2025 visit, Babayev sat down with The Reporter’s Sisay Sahlu and discussed the state of global climate negotiations. The conversation explored the progress achieved since COP29, the pressing challenges that remain, and the strategic priorities shaping the road to COP30. From climate finance to the role of the private sector, Babayev offered open insights into the opportunities and obstacles facing the international community. EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: Brazil is preparing to host COP30. The UN climate summit has been taking place annually for three decades. What has been achieved in that time? Climate financing remains a key unresolved issue. What is your take on this?

Mukhtar Babayev: When we speak about climate change and what the impact of climate change is for the developing world, to the African continent, and how we can manage it, we can at least to do our best from the COP presidency’s point of view to assist the developing world in the fight against climate change. We’ve made a lot of changes in our understanding of how to move in the year since COP29 because there are a lot of geopolitical changes now in the world.

And from the beginning, the previous COPs adopted a lot of very important decisions for climate change, especially on how people need to fight climate change and how countries need to support this multilateral process because it is so important now to support multilateral approaches. Unfortunately, new challenges in the world have caused a little turbulence in this understanding. For us, it’s very important to have all countries on board, all countries to be together to continue the climate agenda.

A lot of big and very positive decisions were made during previous COPs, but unfortunately, the performance or how we perform these obligations, how we perform these decisions is a big question. Unfortunately, if we go to history and look at how many decisions were adopted and how they were implemented, we will see, unfortunately, a not-so-attractive picture. Most of the decisions were not performed or not implemented, not completed, and it is another very important period for us to hold on and to call the countries to perform these obligations, to prevent any regression.

It is so important now to be here, to be in Addis, to be in Africa, which has less emissions than other parts of the world, but also big potential. We need to think about how to transition or to move this potential to have more access for electricity, more development, more prosperity, and at the same time to unite the continent and the countries around the clean energy and possible green ideas on the continent. That’s why we are here in Addis, so that we can discuss with our partners about what we can do together.

Recently, many have expressed concern over the actions of the developed world, particularly regarding the delivery of their financial pledges. At the same time, multilateralism appears to be under pressure and is failing to resolve global issues as effectively hoped. This has become especially evident since President Trump came to power, when the dynamics seemed to shift. How is this situation affecting the fight against climate change?

I don’t want to think that the multilateral process is failing, but I think it is under huge pressure. You are right. [There has been] a lot of turbulence after the different approaches from the different countries, especially, as you mentioned, the United States position regarding the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and possible other geopolitical factors. Yes, we are under a lot of pressure. And this pressure is not only that the countries cannot agree regarding very tangible and very important targets. But now we are talking about climate finance, about how to finance green energy, how to finance development on the continent, but we need big financial resources for that. The situation has changed a little bit from last year and previous years.

If you see that, if you look at the picture of the financial resources scheme or possible increasing or restructuring, we see that today the world is paying more for military; for defense. NATO countries have decided to increase financial investment in the military, for defense, to five percent of GDP. It is billions of dollars.

Last year, we decided in Baku to contribute annually 300 billion dollars for development from donors. This is now under big pressure and the performance is under big pressure, because countries, especially donor countries, need to decide how to accumulate this money and correctly allocate for the strategic targets.

In our understanding, COP29’s position is to prevent possible regression from the decisions made in Baku last year. And unfortunately we understand there is only one pocket. If countries decide to allocate more towards defense issues, it means that climate finance is possibly under pressure.

And it’s risky for non-performance of the obligations made in Baku. That’s why now, together with the COP30 team, we are working very closely to talk with the donor countries, to international financial institutions, Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), to the private sector, to be ambitious, to be strong in the decisions made in 2024.

The issue of climate change has been at the center of global discussion, perhaps more than any other topic. Yet countries and political leaders continue to prioritize building strong defenses and allocating huge budgets to military spending, despite the equally urgent crisis of worsening climate impacts. We are witnessing severe drought in the Horn of Africa, devastating floods in Pakistan, India, the United States, and many other nations, wildfires in North America and Europe, and increasingly hotter, drier seasons with rising temperatures worldwide. Can we truly say the world is as concerned about climate change as it is about defense and military preparedness, and that it is investing in climate action at the same scale? Why are countries failing to meet their climate commitments? Is the reason primarily political, economic, or both?

No, I think a lot of geopolitical factors now play an important role. And more and more conflicts, more and more wars on the planet. If you compare the last years, you will see that this year is a peak of conflicts, peak of wars.

And on one hand, we understand that the country is trying to protect themselves from these risks, geopolitical risks, from the wars, from the conflicts. But at the same time, the climate change issues, climate change impacts are growing more and more important and more and more risks are coming to the map. And it is so important for us, in this position, to have all the countries be more ambitious and confirm the ambitions demonstrated in past years.

We have very good results from the previous COPs, especially regarding energy transition, energy efficiency, alternative energy sources, and climate finance, Article 6, the decision made in Baku, carbon market and others.

We have a lot of things, a lot of decisions made. Now is the time for implementation.

What actions are needed?

It is time to act now. And as I mentioned, from previous COPs, a lot of decisions were made. This year is the year of implementation. And we need to think about how to build this strategy of performance, strategy of implementation. And each country needs to perform their obligations. When we are talking about multilateralism, sometimes we misunderstand what each country needs to do. Together we can move. Each country has its own role. And now it is very important that each country needs to understand what they need to do, at least to contribute to the whole process.

The United States has been a major international financier in the fight against climate change. However, under the leadership of President Donald Trump, the US withdrew from the Paris Agreement. What has been the impact of this decision, and how do you evaluate its overall effect?

Now we are working together with our Brazilian friends, hosting COP30. We have started to work on the Baku-Belém roadmap to increase climate finance to 1.3 trillion dollars a year by 2035. We need to build this roadmap and to build this picture of how the contributors will participate, how to invite more and more actors to the climate finance process. And in this case, we are looking not only at public sources from donor countries, but also expectations from the private sector.

And here, you are absolutely right that the US is a big country, a big emitter [of greenhouse gases], and at the same time a big source of financing. We need to consider other sources. We need to think about what will happen if the US withdraws; the system will stop.

We need to think about the other resources we can invite to the process of finance. And in this case, the private sector is a main source of possible financial resources.

Apart from external financing sources, how are domestic financial resources being mobilized in the developing world both at the government level and within the private sector?

During the forum here in Addis Ababa, we discussed this issue with the different ministers. A lot of regional programs could be developed and performed in Africa. I think it is a very good chance for the continent to perform the regional projects, not only country by country, but separately.

Potentially, it will provide more efficiency, something like synergy. An investment of one dollar will be more efficient. It is a very good time to cooperate on the basis of good projects. But international support is very important in this case, from the capacity-building point of view, and economic, expert, and financial support. It is not possible to consider all these processes separately. We need to think about how to make it into one process for maximum efficiency.

How are climate experts and leaders like you working with multinational companies and industries, particularly those responsible for the largest share of global greenhouse gas emissions, to push for change and foster cooperation?

We have had chances to meet with hundreds of partners, hundreds of companies from all over the world during our [Azerbaijan’s] term of presidency. We have very good partners from the private sector. A lot of big companies have adopted the green policy and green strategy in their development programs for many, many years.

And they are very strong in their strategy to invest in the green transition to clean energy. They are very strong in their policy and they support a lot of processes started in previous years. And they possibly postpone some programs, but the strategy is the same to develop the green programs, green technologies, clean energy and other green transition issues.

Regarding the three essential strategies for addressing the impacts of climate change: mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage, how is the African continent responding?

African countries are very vulnerable, and we have witnessed a lot of disasters, a lot of climate change impacts on the continent. It is very important to assist the countries to reconstruct, to rehabilitate, to at least to finance or to compensate part of the expenses coming from the climate change impacts and disasters. A loss and damage fund was created in 2022 in Sharm el-Sheikh and now in Baku we have already adopted necessity regulations. All programs have been confirmed by the communities, and this fund is already operationalized.

Yesterday, I met with the executive director of the fund and we discussed how to implement the projects and requests coming from different countries. They have built very good contact with the possible recipients, and they will start to consider this financial support to the countries. I think this work will be very transparent. I understand that the money is not enough. There we need to call on all possible partners, all possible donors to increase their contributions to the loss and damage fund.

Because huge damages are coming from climate change now and already the accumulated financial resources in the fund are not enough to compensate even a little part of this damage. That’s why we need to work with the possible countries, partners, and private sector and all possible other sources to increase our financial resources in loss and damage.

Ethiopia recently hosted the Second African Climate Summit. What is your view on Ethiopia’s role in advancing solutions to the climate crisis?

We are here for the second African climate summit. During each visit, we see real changes in the region. And Ethiopia is a leader in the continent on climate issues, in clean energy transition, and clean energy programs. I think Ethiopia, Kenya and other countries are leaders in their respective regions. That’s why we hope that this second climate forum in Addis will play a big role in consolidating these activities around Ethiopia and other countries.

Ethiopian government officials have expressed interest in hosting one of the upcoming COP meetings. What is your position on this, and how would you support Ethiopia’s bid?

Ethiopia is the candidate for COP 32. I think Ethiopia has very good chances to be the host country for COP32, but the continent will decide. But I think in the face of Ethiopia, today the African continent, has a very good leader in the fight against climate change.

What kind of support can be expected from you?

We have worked a lot with the Ethiopian government, NGOs, and the private sector, and  we can use our experience in this process to at least cooperate and support the Ethiopian teams to do it.

On the journey toward transitioning to renewable energy, how do you assess the progress in Africa as a whole, and in Ethiopia in particular? How is this transition unfolding?

There is big potential in Ethiopia in energy projects, and during the forum a lot of information was delivered to the community regarding the new renewable, new alternative renewable energy sources development in the region and especially in Ethiopia. Ethiopia is a source of energy for itself and for other countries also. That’s why today Ethiopia is playing a bigger role in the region as a leader in clean energy and possible green projects on the continent.

AS Climate Finance Vulnerability Index (CliF-VI) has placed Ethiopia in the “Red Zone”, a designation for countries in greatest need of climate adaptation finance.

The report conducted by Columbia University and The Rockefeller Foundation evaluates 188 countries based on their climate risk and financial vulnerability.

Accordingly, Ethiopia ranks 133rd, while neighboring countries such as Eritrea (187th), Sudan (179th), and South Sudan (174th) are ranked among the most climate-vulnerable.

CliF-VI offers a comprehensive framework designed to guide and optimize the allocation of climate finance. It urges policymakers and global institutions to align funding with vulnerability scores to ensure that countries in the Red receive the support they urgently need.

According to the report, Ethiopia faces numerous climate-related hazards that strain its disaster management systems and heighten its vulnerability. Given these risks, it is logical and necessary for Ethiopia to receive a greater share of adaptation financing.

However, the broader challenge remains: the current flow of climate finance toward Ethiopia and other emerging and developing economies (EMDEs) is insufficient and must be significantly increased.

Debt-for-climate swaps are highlighted as a promising solution for heavily indebted countries like Ethiopia offering a way to ease fiscal pressures while investing in nature and climate resilience.

Eric Pelofsky, Vice President for Global Economic Recovery at The Rockefeller Foundation, emphasized the urgency: “The gap between development goals and the needed financing has never been larger. The CliF Vulnerability Index launches an important conversation about the data that should drive scarce resources to vulnerable countries that are facing immense challenges in accessing financing.”

The Vice President also said by using the CliF Vulnerability Index, donors and funders can prioritize support for countries that are potentially living one disaster away from crisis.”

In the report also indicated that governance played a pivotal role in the effective use of climate finance. While not directly included as a factor in the CliF-VI calculation, the platform does provide a governance score for each country. In Ethiopia’s case, its governance score falls in the penultimate quintile, suggesting that improving governance and institutional integrity would be critical to attracting greater climate funding.

Ethiopia is preparing to host the Second African Climate Summit in September 2025, aiming to accelerate climate financing and action across the continent, the summit expected to spotlight Ethiopia’s leadership and promote knowledge-sharing with neighboring countries.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued a stern warning to foreign nationals and residents with expired or invalid visas, warning that failure to comply with immigration laws carries serious legal consequences.

During a weekly press briefing, Ministry spokesperson Nebiyat Getachew (Amb.) declared the government would not tolerate unauthorized residency and stated that individuals who disregard visa requirements will be held accountable.

The Ministry also cautioned Ethiopian travelers heading to the United States to strictly adhere to visa conditions and avoid overstaying. Nebiyat emphasized the importance of verifying the authenticity of documents used for visa processing whether sourced from government or private entities.

In a related update, the US Embassy in Addis Ababa announced major revisions to its visa policy.

Effective July 8, 2025, the validity period for most nonimmigrant visas issued to Ethiopian citizens will be limited to three months and single entry only, marking a significant change in US visa regulations. This update is part of broader visa policy changes also affecting Cameroon, Ghana, and Nigeria.

Meanwhile, security concerns rise in Addis Ababa as the City Council reveals findings in its annual report accusing “refugees” residing in the capital of involvement in criminal activity.

City Police Commissioner Getu Argaw reported the crimes include counterfeiting US currency, homicide, robbery, and inciting public unrest. He stated that individuals stand accused of colluding with “destabilizing forces” to undermine city stability.

Addis Ababa Mayor Adanech Abiebie addressed the Council with a blunt message: “Respect for international refugee law does not mean compromising our national security. Refugees were given safe haven, but we will not allow that hospitality to be abused.”

She confirmed that foreign nationals without legal status have been apprehended in connection with terrorism plots and other criminal undertakings.

“We have opened our city to protect the vulnerable, not to endanger our peace,” she said.

Across Ethiopia’s sweeping highlands and arid lowlands, an ancient tradition continues to flourish: the use of stems, seeds, leaves, roots, and flowers to heal the body and protect the spirit.

For generations, communities—particularly those in remote or underserved areas—have relied on plant-based remedies where modern healthcare systems are limited or altogether absent. From household herbs to wild flora, traditional medicine remains an essential part of Ethiopian life.

Among the commonly used botanical treatments are lemon bush (known locally as Damakese), Acacia, Moringa (Shiferaw), Rue, Fennel (Ensilal), and Cinnamon. These herbs are believed to treat a wide range of ailments, including stomachaches, asthma, dysentery, malaria, headaches, skin conditions, and even spiritual afflictions like the evil eye.

The Ethiopian Public Health Institute has recognized dozens of such plants as having medicinal value. These include Agave sisalana (Alge Qacha), Abrus precatorius (locally called “dog’s tooth seed”), Ageratum (Ingudai), Aloe, and Albizia gummifera (Sendedo), all of which are widely used for disease prevention and traditional therapies.

Yet as demand grows, so too does the need for oversight.

Miresa Midaksa, a medical doctor and president of the Africa Food Safety and Health Service Professionals Cooperative, emphasized the importance of regulation. Since traditional medicine continues to play a significant role in Ethiopia’s health landscape, he says, “we must establish standardized dosages and proper regulatory frameworks to ensure it is safe and effective.”

Miresa also called for greater scrutiny of herbal treatments and dietary supplements imported from abroad. “We need to properly inspect these products to assess their safety and possible side effects,” he added.

In a world increasingly dominated by expensive pharmaceuticals and high-tech hospitals, a quiet yet powerful movement is taking root—one that looks to the past to move forward. Indonesia’s traditional herbal medicine industry is poised to make its mark in Ethiopia, the third African destination in its growing global journey.

From the island nation of Indonesia to the highlands of Ethiopia, one of Asia’s largest natural remedy producers, Sido Muncul—founded in 1951—has evolved from a humble home-based business into one of Southeast Asia’s most respected wellness brands. Company representatives spoke with The Reporter during their visit to Addis Ababa last week.

With a legacy spanning over seven decades, the company is best known for Tolak Angin, a widely consumed herbal supplement used to boost immunity and relieve cold symptoms. It has gained popularity not only across Indonesia but also in international markets including the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and parts of Europe.

Backed by nearly half a billion dollars in market value, Sido Muncul has already entered Nigeria and South Africa and now sets its sights on Ethiopia. According to Dr. Matthew Ika, International Business Development Manager, the company is recognized for preserving Indonesia’s herbal traditions. CNN honored Sido Muncul with a “Remarkable Preservation in Herbal Medicine Tradition” award for promoting the daily use of jamu—Indonesia’s indigenous herbal remedy.

Sido Muncul’s product line includes over 300 items addressing diverse health needs such as digestive wellness, diabetes management, improved sleep, headache and cough relief, and general immunity. The products stand out for their use of homegrown ingredients, sourced from partner farms to ensure quality, traceability, and sustainability.

Matthew says that forging strong partnerships is central to there strategy, as they look to partner with locals.

“Both Ethiopia and Indonesia are rich in biodiversity and cultural traditions,” he noted. “From the highlands of Sidama to the rainforests of Java, communities have long trusted the healing power of plants.”

While Ethiopia’s relationship with herbal medicine is deeply spiritual and reactive, Indonesia’s jamu culture emphasizes prevention. Encouraging daily use of herbal tonics and skincare could enrich Ethiopia’s public health and self-care practices.

“Our products offer comprehensive health solutions across all age groups—from maternity and childhood to adolescence, adulthood, and elderly care,” Matthew added. “We aim to introduce affordable herbal wellness to Ethiopian households.”

He claims encouraging preliminary discussions with Ethiopian officials, indicating interest in both importation and potential future local manufacturing operations.

In Indonesia, early symptoms are typically met with herbal remedies rather than hospital visits. This cost-effective practice may resonate in Ethiopia, where healthcare costs present barriers for many.

“Our organic products have passed clinical tests for safety and efficacy. I encourage Ethiopians to try them,” said Matthew. “Ingredients like ginger and garlic are already part of Ethiopian herbal traditions. That cultural familiarity gives us confidence our products will feel like a natural extension.”

He emphasized that the taste and aroma of their products suit Ethiopian preferences and believes they can significantly improve both health outcomes and household spending.

During their visit to Ethiopia, Sido Muncul’s international team met with Ethiopian business leaders, importers, and policymakers. The trip marks a major move in the company’s strategy to expand into markets where natural wellness aligns with cultural values.

In many Asian cultures, healing begins at home—with ginger tea, herbal poultices, or tonics passed down through generations. Sido Muncul hopes to share that philosophy with Ethiopian households, where traditional healing is already well respected.

Matthew sees Ethiopia as part of a broader movement: South–South collaboration in healthcare. As emerging economies seek to diversify their health systems and reduce dependence on Western pharmaceuticals, economically viable and culturally resonant alternatives become crucial.

“We respect Ethiopia’s traditional healers. There’s a strong cultural synergy between jamu and Ethiopian herbal practices,” said a representative from Sido Muncul’s international team. “Our goal isn’t to replace local traditions, but to complement them with science-backed, high-quality products.”

The company aims to spotlight Indonesia’s herbal and energy-boosting offerings as part of a global shift toward wellness-based living.

Furthermore, the initiative transcends mere awareness. Matthew indicates that Sido Muncul intends to establish accessible information and distribution networks, enabling Ethiopian consumers to directly experience their product offerings. The company will also closely monitor consumer interest as it evaluates subsequent strategic actions.

This initiative draws inspiration from established practices such as Traditional Chinese Medicine, Ayurveda, and Indonesian jamu, all of which emphasize healing through natural means.

A potential collaboration between Ethiopia and Sido Muncul could signify a transformative shift, integrating time-honored knowledge with contemporary advancements as Ethiopia seeks to fortify its healthcare infrastructure and provide accessible, cost-effective alternatives.

The company’s flagship herbal products include Tolak Angin for immunity, cold relief, and fatigue reduction; Kuku Bima Ener, a fruit-flavored energy drink with vitamins and ginseng; Natural Vitamin E Soft Caps for skin health and antioxidant protection; Libidione to enhance male vitality and stamina; Bilberry Carrot Capsules for eye health; Moringa Leaf Extract to regulate blood sugar and cholesterol; and Garlic Capsules to promote heart health and blood pressure management.

Matthew emphasized the importance of health, recognizing Sido Muncul’s established reputation for natural, organic herbal remedies, which are suitable for a broad consumer base. The company is exploring entry into the Ethiopian market, with plans to establish distribution channels and potentially a local production facility.

Aynalem Nigussie, minister of Revenues, made the accusation while presenting an 11-month performance report to members of Parliament’s Planning, Budget, and Finance Committee on Monday.

Also present was Azezew Chanie, deputy head of the Customs Commission, who told MPs his office had identified no less than 237 illegal checkpoints across the country, many of which he says operate under the command of regional police and militias.

The Deputy Commissioner stated that some regional administrations have set up task forces to man these checkpoints, with officials viewing them as a chance to create employment opportunities for youth.

Azezew told MPs that the checkpoints and the tolls they charge are weighing heavily on domestic and international trade, contributing to rising commodity prices.

The officials reported that contraband goods valued at an estimated 19 billion Birr had been seized during the 11-month period, while more than 1,400 individuals had been taken into custody in relation to contraband trade.

However, Azezew noted that gaps in enforcements persist and called on Parliament to grant the Commission the power to conduct its own investigations and file charges against offenders.

The Ministry collected 815 billion Birr over the 11-month period, with domestic taxes accounting for more than half at 436 billion Birr. An additional 378 billion Birr was collected in the form of duties, according to Aynalem.

Heavy duty truck drivers in the country have long been complaining about the tolls they are charged across regional states, or even across zones within the same regional state.

Jointly conducted by People in Need (PIN) and the Consortium of Christian Relief and Development Association (CCRDA), the survey found that financial constraints and a shrinking civic space constitute a serious threat to the operations of the more than 160 participating CSOs.

The report, which was presented in Addis Ababa this week, stated that limited access to funding remains the single greatest constraint especially for emerging and small-scale CSOs who struggle to compete for resources or meet stringent donor compliance requirements.

Chronic underfunding has made it difficult for many CSOs to meet reporting requirements or manage essential administrative tasks, according to the report. This instability was exacerbated by USAID funding cuts in early 2025, while inflation and rising operational costs continue to pose major threats to sustainability.

The report also highlights a worsening regulatory environment: over 1,500 CSOs were shut down in 2024 for failing to submit annual reports to the Authority.

Other problems cited in the report include low digitalization, insufficient staff capacity, low visibility, high staff turnover, and difficulty meeting donor compliance. Externally, CSOs face rising inflation, conflict and insecurity, declining donor funding, political instability, and fragmented coordination.

With increasing needs, dwindling resources, and shrinking civic space, Ethiopian CSOs require more flexible, timely, targeted, and sustained support from donors, international partners, and policymakers, its authors urge.

Responding to the report, ACSO Deputy Director Fasikaw Molla acknowledged the financial, sustainability, and capacity issues but emphasized that government reforms have led to an increase in CSO registrations.

He dismissed the report’s conclusions as “general,” stating: “It is a fallacy, not a sound argument as the agency has worked tirelessly to improve the environment.”

Fasikaw urged the organizations behind the report to collaborate with ACSO rather than critique its efforts. He also rejected the claim that license cancellations of 1,500 CSOs were unwarranted, asserting the process followed proper procedures.

“I beg you to examine your report critically. We all have to understand this,” he added.

The 69-page report also cited a growing demand for humanitarian assistance in Ethiopia, stating that 21 million people—including over 4.5 million internally displaced—require aid in 2025.

However, EDRMC chief Shiferaw Teklemariam downplayed these figures, emphasizing Ethiopia’s commitment to humanitarian sovereignty.

“For us, dependency is a dignity-related issue. It undermines our people and our country,” he said.

The Commissioner argued that the figures cited in the report do not reflect official positions and must come from a jointly verified source.

“We don’t want to throw out numbers from left and right and confuse the public and stakeholders. These figures do not represent us and must be corrected,” he insisted.

Bharat Shrestha, program director at People in Need, clarified that the data in question came from published sources, including UNICEF and Addis Standard, and not from the organization’s own estimates. 

A recent UN report confirms that 21.4 million people in Ethiopia require humanitarian assistance in 2025, including 16.7 million children and women, and nearly 4.5 million displaced individuals.

Following the revocation of at least CSO licenses in July 2024, many right groups have been calling for international and regional partners to engage in direct diplomatic communication with the Ethiopian authorities to repeal the decision and ensure a free civic space.

Masinga who retracted a previous statement urging government to stop what he had described as the Ethiopian government’s drone attacks on civilians, said the government had better enter a political dialogue with rebels, namely Fano in Amhara and the Oromo Liberation Army (aka Scheme) in Oromia.

He made the remarks on Thursday during a press conference he gave to a small group of journalists.

Massinga underscored the necessity of a political resolution, emphasizing that all stakeholders must recognize its importance.

By way of explanation on his retracted social media statement posted on May 23 which was later edited, and reposted, the ambassador described it as just an administrative error.

“It was a mistake. This was nothing more, nothing less than a mistake. We took an earlier draft one that I had never really seen or approved and due to an administrative error, it was unfortunately published. We then reverted back to the correct statement,” he said.

“We recognize that the current situation is not sustainable without a political resolution. I am positive and optimistic in a certain sense because the response from my statement we saw from some factions such as the OLA and certain elements of FANO was encouraging. Of course, they presented long lists of preconditions, but we understand that such preconditions are often for public consumption.”

He further noted that “At this point, both the federal government and the factions must find a way to make this more concrete”.
When asked whether he had engaged in private discussions with the Ethiopian government regarding conflict resolution, Massinga said, “We will always have private discussions with the government about our desire and ideas on how this region can move forward rather than backward. However, much of our engagement will remain government-to-government in diplomatic contexts.”

The ambassador also addressed concerns about certain armed groups, stating “There are individuals or groups who masquerade as freedom fighters but, in reality, are working for their own interests. This is a real tragedy. These groups prey upon some of the most vulnerable people in Ethiopia—engaging in kidnapping and various forms of criminality under the guise of a political struggle. This is a serious issue.”

The Trump administration stated from the beginning of its tenure that it intended to reduce the number of special envoys seen in previous administrations and instead focus on engaging and developing policy through embassies on the ground—without relying on a large number of special envoys, he explained.

Despite this shift, Massinga reassured that the vast majority of humanitarian assistance previously programmed for Ethiopia yet still continues.

“Specifically, 89% of humanitarian assistance that was previously programed has been restored for continued implementation. This ensures that our government, in cooperation with key stakeholders and partners on the ground, can respond to and support internally displaced persons and vulnerable communities. This is something we consider very important,” he stated.

Moreover, he said, 77% of previously allocated funding for development and humanitarian assistance in Ethiopia remained available.”We are making a fundamental shift away from traditional programing and instead focusing on the private sector as the engine of growth—just as it is in our own country.”

On Tuesday, the Minister told Parliament that an estimated 463.3 billion Birr is earmarked for foreign debt service over the coming year.

The bill, which was approved by the Council of Ministers last week, proposes to allocate 1.18 trillion Birr for recurrent expenditures and 415 billion Birr for capital expenditures. A further 415 billion Birr is reserved for regional subsidies, with the Oromia, Amhara, Somali, and Tigray administrations slated to receive more than half of the total.

The bill does not specify a subsidy budget for Addis Ababa, despite the City Administration receiving 5.4 billion Birr last year. Its authors foresee spending 7.2 percent of the total budget on education, 3.8 percent on health, and close to six percent on defense.

The Minister told MPs the proposed budget represents a 416.8 billion Birr deficit, nearly half of which is expected to be covered by domestic borrowing.

The 2025/26 budget is more than double the 971.2 billion Birr lawmakers approved last June, but represents a significant cut in dollar terms. At current exchange rates, the proposed budget is approximately USD 15 billion, down from an estimated USD 17 billion last year, not including the 582 billion Birr supplementary budget approved in November. Lawmakers will vote on the budget before the new fiscal year begins on July 8, 2025.