What began as playful imitation for her siblings soon evolved into stage performances in school and local youth clubs, nurturing a fascination with storytelling that would later define her life’s path. Over time, a pastime turned into a purpose: to tell stories through film.

That dream took a decisive turn when Elisabeth moved to the United States to study filmmaking—an experience she describes as the realization of a childhood vision. “Film, for me, has always been more than storytelling,” she told The Reporter. “It’s a bridge between imagination and experience, connecting who we are with who we hope to become.”

Her studies at the New York Film Academy, which she joined in 2012 to pursue film acting, opened a new world of creative rigor. After completing her training, she performed in several Off-Broadway productions across small New York theaters before moving to Los Angeles to continue her education and earn a bachelor’s degree in film.

For Elisabeth, the path was far from straightforward. “Many people in my life questioned why I didn’t study nursing or something that promised better income,” she recalled with a smile. “But my goal was never just to make money—it was to honor a dream I had sacrificed so much for.”

Before film school, she built a different life altogether. In Italy, she trained as a hairdresser, later opening her own salon in Baltimore, Maryland. Leaving a stable business to chase a career in cinema came with real risks—and plenty of unsolicited advice.

Still, she followed her conviction. “If a person’s talent isn’t for doctoring, they’ll become doctors who make mistakes,” she said. “Working without passion—whether as a doctor or a hairdresser—doesn’t lead to fulfilment or real success.”

Elisabeth’s graduation project marked her first foray into filmmaking. She created an educational short film, Asalafi (“The Bartender”), which explored domestic violence and the efforts of individuals seeking to transform the lives of young people affected by alcohol addiction and family abuse.

The short film opened doors to the industry, leading to an unexpected opportunity: she was invited to work on a documentary about Ethiopia. Though she had no prior experience, the producer offered her the role of casting director. Elisabeth accepted—but on one condition: the project must not portray her country negatively.

The resulting one-hour, twenty-minute documentary included a court scene depicting the atrocities of the Red Terror. Casting proved challenging; Elisabeth scoured communities to find actors, navigating obstacles that would later inspire her to create a platform for Ethiopian filmmakers.

With the support of fellow Ethiopians Negede Yilma and Dagmawi Abebe, Elisabeth helped establish a film association designed to connect professionals worldwide and foster collaboration. Today, she serves as its president. The California-based, volunteer-run nonprofit has grown to more than 300 members.

Elisabeth believes Ethiopian cinema has untapped potential, driven by a generation rich in talent and creativity. She encourages filmmakers—whether TikTokers, YouTubers, or traditional producers—to focus on work that reflects Ethiopia in a positive light.

Balancing filmmaking with a day job, she notes, is not a barrier. The proliferation of digital technology and social media has made recognition more accessible than ever.

“Many professionals in the past faced significant challenges with equipment and access to networks. One should work with the better opportunities available today,” she said. “Working only for money and fame is a waste.”

Abraham Tekle contributed to this story.

By Yonas Amare and Abraham Tekle

A recent workshop organized by the Rift Valley Institute in the capital saw experts present studies on contentious ownership claims in urban centers such as Hossana, Hawassa, Dire Dawa, and Addis Ababa.

They posited that these disputes are growing more frequent, stemming from economic, cultural, and historical factors that remain unaddressed.

“There is a risk that the competing claims arising in these and other cities could escalate into conflict if not properly managed,” said one presenter.

Experts observe that the inclusion of cities like Hawassa under the Sidama Regional State has created a sense of “deprivation” among other regions in Southern Ethiopia, while places like Hossana are the subject of disputes along religious lines, and Dire Dawa is a point of contention between two distinct regions.

Samir Yusuf (PhD), head of the Institute, pointed out that urban ownership disputes are increasingly common despite Ethiopia’s low rate of urbanization.

“Urbanization in Ethiopia is only at a 23 percent growth rate. The contribution of cities to the national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is also only 38 percent. However, even in this underdeveloped state of urbanization, the competition and scramble for ownership is intensifying,” he said.

Dereje Feisa (PhD) presented a study on Hossana, seat of the Central Ethiopia regional administration and the Hadiya Zone, and the conditions surrounding disputes there. He noted that the town has transitioned from a military camp to a hub for remittances from abroad, driving the contentions.

“About 75 percent of the zone’s population follows the Protestant faith,” he said. “However, the political elite appear to be wavering between the former Hadiya Islamic history and the current Protestant identity. The Zone’s relationship with neighboring Siltie, Mareko, Kebena, and Gurage communities also seems to be determined by this. Currently, remittances from abroad, especially from South Africa, are the main basis for the city’s growth and expansion,” said Dereje.

He also noted that Hossana’s rapid expansion poses a threat to surrounding farmland.

In his address to the workshop, Robel Mulatu (PhD) highlighted the conflict arising in Hawassa as a result of competition between the Sidama and Wolaita communities.

“The competition framed as a struggle for job opportunities or an economic issue,” he said, adding that “there is also competition and conflict between Protestants and Orthodox Christians over public gathering spaces and religious holidays in the city.”

Dalia Ashenafi, who presented a study on the competition arising in Addis Ababa, indicated that various parties are trying to express the sentiment that “the city is theirs”, focusing on public festivals and events.

“The competition to celebrate the Adwa Victory Day, the emotions expressed during the celebration of Irreecha, the sentiments expressed during the annual Great Ethiopian Run, and the ownership questions raised about Meskel Square are issues that have intensified the ownership competition around the city,” said the researcher.

According to her, the competitive sentiment was created based on political and narrative changes in the country.

She added that while the government and its supporters express the position that the city is becoming a multi-ethnic capital reflecting the identity and culture of all communities, a strong opposition sentiment has arisen that a campaign to erase the city’s existing identity and marginalize the identity and expression of other community groups.

She further stressed that the ownership conflict in Addis Ababa is not only economic, with residents increasingly expressing the view that they are being pushed out or dispossessed of their land and ownership.

Dalia called on the government to implement a more inclusive urban policy.

Early Wednesday morning, the army and its supporting forces carried out the largest ground military offensive in Khartoum state, capturing military and civilian sites and expanding into most of the capital’s neighborhoods following a widespread flight of RSF elements.

RSF elements departed most of the Khartoum cities they had occupied, withdrawing towards the west of the country. The force’s vehicles and soldiers congested the Jebel Aulia bridge south of Khartoum during an escape journey documented by army drone footage.

Residents of southern Khartoum celebrated the arrival of army forces into neighborhoods previously under RSF control, with citizens seen chanting for the army in areas like Sahafa, Kalakla, and Gereif.

Sudanese Army Spokesperson Nabil Abdallah said in a statement, “The Chairman of the Sovereignty Council, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, inspected our deployed forces at Khartoum International Airport today, and also inspected the forces at the Republican Palace.”

He explained that Burhan’s plane was the first flight the airport had received since the war broke out on April 15, 2023.

The RSF had seized control of Khartoum International Airport on the first day of the war, before the army recaptured it on Wednesday along with other sites in the capital.

At the Presidential Palace, Burhan stated, “Khartoum is free, its matter is finished,” according to remarks reported by Al Jazeera channel.

Large numbers of Sudanese army soldiers and officers received the Commander-in-Chief, who was visiting the Presidential Palace for the first time in nearly two years.

On March 21, the Sudanese army managed to liberate the Republican Palace and the entire central Khartoum area after days of fierce battles against the RSF.

The UN has called the situation in Sudan the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis” with fighting, widespread famine and disease forcing some 12.5 million of Sudan’s 46 million citizens to flee.

Death tolls, both because of fighting and the humanitarian crisis, are estimated to be between 60,000 and 150,000.

(Sudan Tribune)

Recognized as the first Ethiopian woman to establish a media house, Filsan is currently the Director of the Horn Peace Institute, an organization dedicated to peace advocacy in Ethiopia and the broader Horn of Africa. She noted that the Institute operates through collaborative efforts involving Ethiopians and individuals from other countries in the region.

According to Filsan, the Institute was established to promote Ethiopian identity and cultural heritage while addressing the challenges of hate speech, ethnic divisions, and tribalism, which she believes have undermined the country’s traditions of collaboration and unity.

She emphasized that the Institute prioritizes Ethiopian interests while also working to safeguard the concerns of other Horn of Africa nations, particularly those affected by ongoing conflicts and instability.

The Reporter’s Yonas Amare caught up with Filsan to discuss her career in the cabinet and her subsequent resignation, the broader national responsibility for ongoing crises, the role of the political elites, and citizens’ responsibilities. EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: Let’s revisit the time of your resignation as Minister. What led you to make that decision? 

Filsan Abdullahi Ahmed: I am sure many people are aware of the real reason, but I have not provided a detailed explanation. Before discussing my resignation from the ministerial position, I should first explain how I became a Minister. Before taking office, I was widely recognized as a peace advocate, actively engaged in peace processes. When the Prime Minister appointed me as a cabinet member, the intention was for me to continue working on peace-related issues. As a young woman, my appointment was also meant to inspire others to contribute to peacebuilding and to introduce new faces into Ethiopian politics, bringing fresh perspectives and renewed energy.

At the time, I recall there were positive changes. As I mentioned, my role was primarily as a peace advocate. However, when the war broke out, I refused to take sides or be part of it. My only expertise is in peace, not war. I know how to promote peace, not how to preach about conflict. At my age, and with many young people looking up to me as a role model, advocating for war would have gone against my conscience. Therefore, I made a decision I could live with—I chose to resign. During my tenure as Minister, I remained committed to peace and refused to be part of war propaganda. I also openly highlighted the consequences of war and called on the government to acknowledge its damage it would bring and work towards peace.

My decision led to disagreements, which created gaps between myself and others in leadership. Within those widening gaps, I could only operate within the limits of what I was able to manage. These were the primary reasons for my resignation.

Didn’t your resignation come immediately after the outbreak of the war in Tigray?

Although I did not resign immediately after the war in Tigray began, I called for peace from the outset, without any bias. As Minister of Women, Children, and Youth, it was my responsibility to raise awareness about the risks faced by women, particularly the threat of sexual violence. Beyond speaking out about the issue of rape, I also proposed solutions, emphasizing that the government held the power to address the problem and bring about the necessary resolution.

Even after voicing my concerns about sexual violence in Tigray, I remained in my position for another ten months, working to contribute to a solution. As the conflict spread to other regions, I continued to call for action to prevent the same atrocities from occurring elsewhere. It is important to highlight that my Ministry operated solely in the interest of the people, without any external agenda. I am grateful to my former colleagues who stood with me and opposed the attacks on women and youth at the time. Ultimately, I acted in accordance with my conscience, hoping that my decision would serve as a lesson for the future. Therefore, if something isn’t working for you and isn’t giving you peace, it’s appropriate to temporarily distance yourself and step aside.

Since the war in Tigray, there has been a lot of unrest and crisis. Human rights violations and many problems have occurred. As someone who has observed the situation and followed it closely, who do you think is responsible for all these problems?

No single individual can be solely held responsible for the crises we are witnessing, many of which are still ongoing. As a nation, we all share accountability and must take responsibility for our actions. We are accountable as citizens, and we are accountable as politicians. This country belongs to all of us, and it is crucial that everyone reflects on their role in shaping its current state. What actions did we take when the crisis was unfolding? Were we among those who called for an end to the war? Did we raise our voices in protest? Even if we did, I believe we have all made mistakes. Have we truly made an effort to explain the need for peace to others and persuade them to stand with us?

I recognize that the absence of meaningful dialogue is one of our country’s fundamental problems. But I also question whether we have taken the time to reflect calmly and encourage others to do the same. The challenges we face today did not emerge overnight or within the past six years—they have been accumulating for decades, gradually worsening. Take, for example, the Somali region, Ogaden area. For the past 30 years, it has been a site of conflict and struggle. Even now, we must ask ourselves: have the wounds inflicted by that conflict truly healed?

Today, the Somali region is considered one of the most stable in the country, but this stability was achieved because the people chose peace. Having endured war, they now understand its cost and have made a conscious decision to reject it. The Somali people also refrained from participating in the Tigray war because they knew the suffering that conflict brings. Unlike politicians, the people remained uninvolved in the war. Just as the Somali region experienced decades of conflict, other regions have faced similar struggles over the years. Even now, war continues in various parts of the country.

How different regions respond to conflicts in other areas is crucial to understanding our national crisis. The 30-year conflict in Ogaden is now repeating itself across the country. The way we perceive and react to these conflicts has deepened our divisions along regional and ethnic lines. It is time to look back and critically assess how our actions have contributed to this crisis.

Some argue that instead of building a peaceful country through dialogue, political elites in Ethiopia create animosity, leading to the crisis we are now in. How do you view the idea that the political elite should bear the majority of the responsibility?

I agree with that. The Ethiopian people have always been hospitable and welcoming. Through my work, I have traveled extensively and seen this firsthand. Everywhere I have been, Ethiopians have shown kindness and generosity, welcoming others without questioning their origins. However, the divisive mindset of the elite has now spread to the broader population. The people should not have allowed this to happen. That is why I say we all bear responsibility for the challenges facing our country. The people should have resisted being drawn into this crisis. When they saw the danger, they should have stepped back and said, “Enough.”

Every community has its own political elite, but people should have refused to follow them blindly. They should have said, “Do not lead us to destruction.” Simply echoing their words and following without question makes us all complicit in the problem. Even now, after experiencing the consequences of division and conflict, we must make a collective effort to repair the damage. Change must start within each of us. I firmly believe that the crisis will not be resolved unless we engage in deep self-reflection and take responsibility for initiating change within ourselves.

Hate speech is not limited to spoken or written words—it encompasses many other forms of expression. Can you start by defining hate speech and explaining what it includes?

The crises our country faces today stem from issues that fall under the broader concept of hate speech. If I speak negatively about your background, upbringing, or identity, it creates division and makes it impossible for you to accept me. The more I continue to attack you, the more you will feel the need to defend yourself. In Ethiopia, hate speech often manifests in discussions about ethnicity, the national flag, the anthem, and differing perceptions of being Ethiopian as well.

You mean rejection of diversity?

Yes, it begins with a rejection of diversity. Everyone has their own identity and seeks to move forward based on that alone. However, I believe we all come from the same shared space—you from one place, and I from another—but what unites us is our common home, Ethiopia. True unity becomes impossible if we do not respect this equally and participate in it together. If you reject what is mine, attack it with hatred, and celebrate its destruction, understanding cannot be achieved.

This growing division has worsened over time, and today, we see widespread hate speech campaigns in the media. In an era where social media amplifies these narratives, we cannot talk about peace without actively confronting this challenge as a nation. To truly achieve peace, we must address the root causes of our divisions. We need to discuss what conditions are necessary for peace, and we must be willing to apologize to one another. At the very least, ethnic hatred in speech must come to an end. If we can achieve that, the path to peace will open wide.

As citizens of the same nation, why have we struggled to embrace our differences and coexist peacefully? What has prevented us from building a shared identity rooted in common values that reflect all of us?

That is an important question, and I still hold the political elite responsible. Power should not come at the cost of bloodshed or by turning people against one another. A political seat is just one—it cannot accommodate everyone. Therefore, it is the responsibility of all political elites to pursue power in a civilized manner, without harming others or undermining their identities. They should compete based on ideas, not division. The root of our current crisis lies in the pursuit of power through ethnic-based politics. Ethnic-based movements have led us to this point, and we must find a way out of this cycle.

Consider the United States, where multiple states exist, each with its own flag. Yet, the American flag remains a shared, untouchable national symbol. Every state upholds both its unique identity and a common national bond. In contrast, in Ethiopia, we have not embraced a strong, unifying national symbol. Instead, political strategies and party manifestos have been designed to divide rather than unite.

For example, I grew up in Addis Ababa, but my family and I are originally from the Somali region. If I were to establish a political platform, would I align myself with the people of Addis Ababa, or would I advocate solely for the Somali region? If my political foundation were based only on the Somali region, it would mean that my concerns are limited to one community rather than addressing issues that affect all Ethiopians. This kind of politics fosters division.

I firmly believe that politicians must move beyond ethnic-based politics and organize under a national Ethiopian identity. We cannot build a united Ethiopia if we confine our politics within ethnic boundaries—identifying as Somali, Gurage, Afar, Oromo, Tigrayan, Amhara, or any other group. Instead, we need a political approach that represents everyone and fights for a shared national future. Power should not be pursued by mobilizing people for division, only to abandon them later. It is unacceptable to sacrifice lives for the sake of political ambition.

A National Dialogue Commission has been established to address the root causes of conflict in our country, and it has made progress. Given the importance of this process, do you see potential for collaboration between the Commission and the initiative you have introduced to combat hate speech? Can they work together toward a common goal?

Dialogue is invaluable. However, while the National Dialogue initially raised hopes for resolving Ethiopia’s challenges, I cannot say that hope remains as strong today. When the process began and discussions were encouraged, I—like many others—was optimistic. I do not believe that weapons can resolve our problems. War is not a solution; it only brings destruction, suffering, displacement, and loss for all Ethiopians. Both sides in any conflict must recognize this reality. Only when we collectively accept this truth can we move toward peace.

For that to happen, we need a bridge that connects us. Reconciliation requires both sides to meet halfway. If pride and ego dominate on both sides, there must be a mechanism to break down those psychological barriers and bring people together.

The National Dialogue should serve as that connector—a platform where politicians, elites, political parties, and various groups with different perspectives can come together to engage in meaningful discussions. However, if this platform does not build equal trust among all stakeholders, only a limited group will engage with it, while others remain skeptical or disengaged. Participation in the process depends on a shared belief that it is credible and capable of addressing the country’s issues.

I continue to emphasize that the National Dialogue, as a bridge for reconciliation, must be strengthened. It should be inclusive and widely accepted by all. Every political force should have the space to contribute ideas, offer criticisms, and provide constructive input. Unfortunately, in our country, criticism is often misinterpreted. Yet, political criticism is essential—it provides opportunities for reflection and course correction. Even now, the National Dialogue process can be adjusted and improved to ensure broader participation and legitimacy.

Beyond participation, what key elements are lacking in the process and other aspects? Many countries have conducted national dialogues in the past—how does Ethiopia’s approach compare, and what are we missing?

Many criticize our National Dialogue Commission for lacking inclusivity and having an inadequate approach. However, the process cannot succeed if one political force boycotts it simply because it did not unfold as they had envisioned. Dialogue is a shared process, and for it to work, all parties must be willing to compromise. Each side must exercise restraint, set aside certain demands, and embrace a conciliatory path to achieve a common solution.

Is the disagreement primarily due to the overall format and content of the dialogue? Is the push for a format and content more aligned with direct political negotiations the root of the disagreement, or is there another underlying issue?

Yes, that is one issue, but beyond that, the question of impartiality is also a major point of contention. From the appointment of commissioners onward, all political forces want to have a role and a voice in the process. For dialogue and reconciliation to be effective, participants must believe that the appointed mediators or arbitrators are neutral and unbiased.

Currently, the National Dialogue Commission faces criticism regarding its inclusivity. Many political groups have distanced themselves, arguing that the process is neither inclusive nor impartial. Some may have withdrawn under pressure, while others may have done so independently. However, efforts should have been made to prevent such disengagement. The key question is: what has been done to bring them back into the process?

Allowing those who have left to remain excluded while proceeding only with those who remain undermines the purpose of national dialogue. Since the goal is to address national issues, it is essential to make every possible effort—however difficult—to encourage broad participation and restore trust. Simply moving forward with those who stay while ignoring those who have left is not a sustainable approach. This is what needs to be corrected.

Could your project be integrated with the National Dialogue Commission’s efforts? Have you taken any steps toward collaboration?

We have not engaged in discussions or formed a close collaboration with the National Dialogue Commission. While the National Dialogue serves as a platform for national discussions, our work is focused on peacebuilding. Our primary goal is to raise awareness about the impact of hate speech and highlight its role as a key driver of conflict and instability.

We are actively working with various Ethiopian political leaders, including opposition figures both within the country and abroad. Additionally, we are engaging with the government, which has shown support for our efforts. As part of our initiative, we are facilitating discussions with politicians from outside Ethiopia, ensuring that all voices are heard. Dialogue is essential, and every possible avenue for discussion must remain open. However, this year, we are also preparing to host a major international forum in Ethiopia, further advancing our mission to foster dialogue and promote peace.

Let’s discuss the impact of the Pretoria Agreement. While it may have contributed to the ongoing conflict in the Amhara region, it has also brought relative peace to Tigray. However, political divisions in Tigray appear to be deepening rather than easing. Can we say that these divisions have undermined the peace gained? What has the Pretoria Agreement truly meant for the people? Share your perspective on this issue.

It deeply saddens me to witness the current situation. This feeling is shared not only by me but by everyone who sees what is happening in the region. The people of Tigray, and the region itself, are in no position to endure another devastating war. They lack not only the physical resources but, more importantly, the moral strength to face another conflict. The suffering from the recent war is still fresh, and historically, Tigray has borne the brunt of Ethiopia’s wars. The people deserve peace and stability. But who decides this? Ultimately, it must be the people themselves. They must learn from past experiences and resist being led into conflict by political elites.

What Tigray needs today is a stable and constructive political environment that prioritizes recovery from the devastating effects of war—where people have suffered and women have been subjected to horrific violence. Have we seen any significant rehabilitation efforts in the region? What about reconciliation with the rest of the country? These should be the primary issues of discussion, rather than the ongoing political disputes among leaders. The focus must be on rebuilding lives and fostering unity.

Even discussing the possibility of another war in Tigray is distressing. My advice to the two competing political factions in the region is simple: they must recognize the significant role they have played in Ethiopian politics for decades. No one is in a better position than them to reflect on their actions and reconsider their approach. If they genuinely care about the people of Tigray, they must prioritize their well-being. It is in their hands to steer the region towards healing and progress. However, it is disheartening to see an experienced party like the TPLF exposing itself so openly to internal strife. The people of Tigray deserve a chance to recover—economically, politically, and socially. Let them heal.

What responsibilities do the government and the nation as a whole have in addressing this issue? What role should each of us play?

We must create opportunities for negotiation. Without sitting down for dialogue, we limit ourselves from exploring possible solutions. It is essential to think critically, listen attentively, and make informed decisions in advance. These should be our primary objectives to pave the way for a better future.

The Board is looking to introduce a wide range of fundamental amendments to the Electoral, Political Parties Registration and Election Proclamation, which was ratified in 2019. The draft was the subject of discussions last week.

Among the major changes is a proposal to include the House of Federation on election ballots. The Constitution states that members of the upper house of Parliament are to be elected by members of regional councils, however, election officials want to see the vote in the hands of the public.

Opposition parties strongly oppose the proposal, rejecting the Board’s arguments that such a vote would be constitutional.

Meanwhile, opposition party leaders have requested the Board to include a ‘proportional representation’ clause in the bill. This would allow opposition party members to join Parliament based on a certain quota, regardless of election results.

Essentially, proportional representation would force the winner of the majority of the 547 parliamentary seats to cede a portion of them to opposition parties based on the ratio of votes that did not go towards the winning party.

Opposition leaders argue the arrangement is critical to amplify the voices of people who did not vote for the winning party. Details concerning the ratio of seats would have been up for discussion if officials at the NEBE had not rejected the proposal outright, labeling it unconstitutional.

To opposition party leaders, including changes to the House of Federation election approach but refusing the inclusion of proportional representation amounts to a double standard.

“The bill has double standard approaches. Proportional representation is a sign of the modern electoral process and crucial for the equal representation of all ideas in Parliament. We requested this to be included but the Board stated it would be against the Constitution. Meanwhile, the Board bypassed the Constitution to change the electoral process for the House of Federation from indirect to direct voting,” said Wasihun Tesfaye, a senior member of EZEMA.

His party has also opposed the bill’s proposal to limit the number of voters at one polling station to 1,000.

“This would drive up the number of stations required across the country. Since opposition parties do not have the capacity to deploy observers to such a huge number of stations, it would pose questions about the quality of the election,” said Wasihun.

Desta Dinka is secretary at the Council of Political Parties and a representative of the Medrek opposition party. He pointed out other issues with the draft put forward by the Board.

“In many parts, the bill states that details will be determined by an NEBE directive. This is concerning,” said Desta, who participated in consultations during the drafting process.

He criticized the draft for failing to amend a clause requiring 4,000 signatories to form a regional political party and 10,000 signatories for a national party. He believes the thresholds are too high, particularly in light of security issues that make it difficult for party members to travel and collect signatures.

Desta says the Council lobbied for the inclusion of proportional representation.

“Proportional representation is crucial,” he said.

Solomon Ayele, Council chairperson, criticized election officials for failing to present the draft to opposition parties before publicizing it during the discussion last week.

“We have been requesting the Board to include proportional representation in its laws for a long time. But now it is excluded,” he said.

The Council plans to forward its critiques and complaints to the NEBE, according to Solomon

The major proposed changes to the Electoral, Political Parties registration, and Elections Code of Conduct Proclamation were presented during a meeting at the Addis Ababa Hilton Hotel this week. The numerous amendments include alterations to the scope of the law, the terms of party registration, the redefinition of constituencies, electorates, and election procedures, and new mechanisms for post-election appeals and compliance.

NEBE officials are looking to include ‘security problems, disease outbreaks, and natural disasters’ under the list of circumstances that could rule out an election. The existing proclamation, which was ratified six years ago, does not explicitly list these scenarios, instead referring to them simply as ‘circumstances.’

The proposed bill would enable the public to elect members of the House of Federation in addition to members of the House of People’s Representatives. Members of the upper house of Parliament have thus far been selected by regional councils on behalf of their respective constituencies.

Melatework Hailu, the new NEBE head, said the change is in line with the Constitution, which states that members of the House of Federation can be elected either directly or by regional councils.

“We have to implement this,” said Melatework.

If lawmakers approve the bill, the number of election categories would grow to five, in addition to general (national) elections, local elections, by-elections, re-elections, and referendums.

The Board is looking to introduce new rules for party registration and license revocation. Under the terms of the current proclamation, political parties implicated in a range of offenses, including association with political violence, are subject to direct and permanent ban.

The proposed bill proposes to enforce a five-year suspension, depending on the type and seriousness of the offense, before considering a permanent proscription. Parties will be able to appeal the suspension or ban to the Federal High Court within 30 days of receiving notice, according to the proposed bill.

It would permit regional political parties to transform into national parties if they fulfill certain requirements, and allow citizens who are six months away from turning 18 years of age to register to vote. Political candidates will have to be at least 21 years of age.

Women will have to account for at least 20 percent of a political party’s membership base, according to the draft.

The bill proposes to allow election campaigning until 48 hours prior to the vote, while it cuts the safe zone around polling stations (where weapons and inebriation, among other things, are banned) to a radius of 300 meters from the current 500 meters.

NEBE officials want to see polling stations announce preliminary results within five days of the vote, while the time the Board has to announce the outcome of an election is lengthened to 20 days from the current 15 days.

Candidates are not allowed to accept gifts or donations, unless the gift or donation is public and given with the recognition and approval of the Board, according to the draft.

IDPs will be allowed to vote if they can present documentation from the constituencies they were originally displaced from, according to the new bill.

The draft will be tabled to lawmakers for ratification following discussions with CSOs, security officials, election observers, and other stakeholders.

They join a total of over 9,000 families who have left their homes and belongings behind in the two woredas.

Local aid coordinators have confirmed an influx of people into the Sidi Afagi Daido camp in Amibara, as well as the Irebhara (China Camp) shelter in Awash Fentale.

It has been reported to regional authorities that many have also sought refuge in Awash and Argoba.

However, given the increasing number of victims and the ongoing nature of the disaster, the support provided has been insufficient.

According to the authorities, the primary responsibility of supporting all affected communities has fallen on the regional administration. Local authorities have appealed for increased support from all relevant parties.

Ahmed Ibrahim, head of the Afar Regional Culture and Youth Bureau and coordinator of the newly established disaster response task force, said that the number of displaced people arriving at the camps is increasing daily.

He added that efforts are being made to deliver the necessary food and supplies.

He indicated that 10 makeshift schools have been set up in tents, while three health clinics have been opened to provide basic services in the shelters. Food stores are sufficient to feed more than 200 heads of livestock, according to Ahmed.

“We have also prepared three water distribution points and installed 14 storage tanks for the livestock affected in the region,” he told The Reporter. “However, this is not enough. This is because we also have the responsibility of supporting the Kesem Sugar Factory workers.”

Negassie Bekele, an education expert in Dulecha Woreda, told The Reporter that a total of seven schools have been closed following the earthquake.

“‘Three schools have been completely destroyed, and four others have been closed out of caution,” he said.

Three of these are primary schools, three are pre-schools, and one is a secondary school. Over 700 students have had their studies disrupted as a result.

However, 11 schools within a 20-kilometer radius of the volcanic activity and ground fissures continue to teach despite the ongoing risk.

Meanwhile, Ali Sokoro, head of the Dulecha Health Bureau and a coordinator in the task force, said that six health facilities have been damaged by the earthquakes.

“Two health centers have been completely destroyed, and three have been partially damaged,” he told The Reporter.

Ali said that the damage has led to the interruption of health services for over 600 households.

He added that the region is working to continue providing services by setting up health clinics in tents in displacement camps.

Mohammed Ismael, head of the Afar Regional Disaster Prevention Bureau, said that efforts to provide water, supplies, and food aid to the displaced have been insufficient.

“Although efforts are being made to respond quickly to the crisis, it is not enough,” he said.

Nevertheless, regional authorities rely on the National Disaster Risk Management Commission to provide emergency aid to the people in shelters.

Colonel Gemechu Ayana, OLF’s party affairs officer, described Eritrea’s involvement in the Tigray war as “psychotic” and says the country’s forays across the Ethiopian border amount to an infringement of sovereignty and render the Algiers Agreements, which ended the Ethio-Eritrean war in the early 2000s, void.

Gemechu, a reputed ex-military officer, urged the federal government to respond swiftly to Eritrea’s continued occupation of parts of Tigray, including Irob and Zelambessa.

The peace agreement signed by the two governments in December 2000 includes provisions demarcating the border based on colonial treaties and international law, and obliges them to respect the borders that existed at independence and the establishment of a boundary as well as claims commissions.

The agreement also led to the deployment of a UN peacekeeping mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) and the establishment of a boundary commission to implement the decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in Hague, the Netherlands.

“Ethiopia accepted the decision of the Hague Tribunal and only asked to negotiate on the terms of demarcation and implementation processes. Eritrea’s involvement in the war that sparked in 2020 is not as simple as entering Tigray; they have violated Ethiopia’s sovereignty,” Colonel Gemechu told The Reporter.

He noted that by engaging in the recent Tigray war, President Isaias Afeworki’s government has disregarded the international court’s decision and trespassed against Ethiopia’s territorial sovereignty.

“In legal terms, Eritrea’s invasion of Tigray has broken the Algiers agreement,” he said. “If it wasn’t for the weakness our internal turmoil has created, the Eritrean government should have been dealt with swiftly.”

Since the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, which ended the two-year conflict between the federal government and forces loyal to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) has repeatedly issued statements decrying Eritrea’s occupation of several woredas in the region.

Although Eritrea claims the areas currently under its control are all legally occupied under the terms of the Algiers Agreement, officials say Eritrea has overstepped boundaries and pushed deep into Ethiopian territory.

Upon the political transition in 2018, he returned to Ethiopia, assuming leadership roles including Chief of the Regional Security Bureau. Currently, Hussein serves as Chief of Cabinet in the Somali region and holds the key position of Audit and Inspection Secretary within the main Prosperity Party, underscoring his rising influence in regional administration.

Hussein recently sat down with Yonas Amare of The Reporter in his office in Jigjiga city, discussing pressing issues and future plans for the region. EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: Let’s kick off by contrasting your active involvement in the current administration with your experience in the previous one. What significant changes and advancements has the Prosperity administration introduced to the region?

Hussein Kassim (PhD): If you’re familiar with the history of this region, it was once a literal war zone, plagued by persistent conflicts and political instability that prevented it from capitalizing on economic growth during the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime. Beyond economic stagnation, the era marked the darkest period in the region’s history, devoid of meaningful development projects and public services.

During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie I and the Derg regime, the Somali region was marginalized both politically and in terms of development initiatives. Human rights violations were also documented under both administrations, though the most severe transgressions occurred during the EPRDF era. The final decade of EPRDF rule was infamous for its state-sanctioned persecution of intellectuals, religious figures, and traditional leaders—a systematic assault on state and societal institutions, values, and religious bodies, culminating in violence against non-Somalis and the church just before the regime’s collapse.

While the federal system under the TPLF-dominated EPRDF allowed for some degree of self-administration and the establishment of state-level institutions, true authority remained concentrated in central government officials and military leaders.

Since the political transformation in Ethiopia in 2018, significant changes have unfolded in the Somali region. Somali political representation and engagement have surged across all levels, including federal governance. The federal leadership, notably the Prime Minister, is committed to expanding the region’s political autonomy and space.

Currently, the region enjoys newfound peace and stability, accompanied by substantial developmental projects being actively implemented.

Could you elaborate on the changes you’ve mentioned that clearly demonstrate the tangible impact of the political shift in the country?

Thanks to the peace we’ve achieved, our focus has shifted towards visibly transforming our region through development projects. A visit to Jigjiga or any part of the region would demonstrate this firsthand. When we assumed leadership in the regional administration, there were just nine hospitals in our region; since then, we’ve added nine more in a short span of time.

In terms of clean water access, we’ve implemented 17 major water supply projects in urban areas and dug over 250 boreholes for rural communities. Similarly, in education, the number of high schools has grown from around 39 to nearly 90 in the past six years. Moreover, over 64 districts and villages now enjoy 24-hour electricity since our tenure began. We’ve also made significant strides in road construction and improving telecom connectivity.

The current government, in power for less than six years, has undertaken development projects that surpass those of the past 60 years. This progress is underpinned by political stability and peace in the region.Additionally, human rights are rigorously upheld for all residents, including Somali community members, other Ethiopians, and foreigners alike.

We maintain a zero-tolerance policy towards human rights violations, ensuring that everyone in the Somali region lives with dignity and freedom. Sectarian violence is actively discouraged, and we staunchly support and protect peaceful coexistence among people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. Our aspiration is to set a national example for peace and harmony.

Contrary to your statements, some critics argue that there has been little progress in human rights protection, development, and drought prevention in the region. They point to the recent drought as evidence that nothing has improved since your administration took office. How do you respond to these criticisms?

When reflecting on emergency responses, particularly in regards to drought, it’s crucial to acknowledge that the drought experienced two years ago was the most severe the region had faced in a century. Despite its intensity, we managed to prevent any loss of human life, though unfortunately, hundreds of thousands of livestock perished. In past droughts, even those of lesser severity like those in 2014, 2015, and 2017, the impacts were catastrophic, claiming many lives.

To mitigate the effects of the recent severe drought, we employed early warning data and allocated significant additional state-level funding for emergency response efforts. Early initiatives included water and food distribution to those most in need. The collaboration with other regional states, the federal government, and humanitarian partners played a pivotal role in bolstering our emergency response capabilities. Transparency in our approach and the overall peace and stability across the region were also instrumental in our efforts.

Moving forward, our focus remains on enhancing water provision, bolstering agricultural production, and ensuring food security to uplift livelihoods, particularly for vulnerable pastoralist communities susceptible to climate-induced shocks.

Your administration has been accused by some of harboring a hidden secessionist agenda, with claims that you are conspiring to separate the Somali region from Ethiopia. How do you respond to these allegations?

It’s regrettable if there are allegations and labels suggesting a hidden agenda, but I can assure you unequivocally that such claims are unfounded. Our agenda is firmly rooted in governing Ethiopia, not seeking separation from it. Historically, various liberation movements, such as the Oromo Liberation Front, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the Afar Liberation Front, and the Sidama Liberation Front, emerged during the Imperial, Derg, and EPRDF regimes from what was commonly referred to as the southern part of the country.

However, today, the political landscape of Ethiopia has undergone significant transformation. Peoples and nations once marginalized as border regions or collectively labeled as southerners now play pivotal roles in Ethiopian politics. These regions collectively comprise nearly 70 percent of Ethiopia’s territory, serving as vital economic corridors and contributing significantly to the country’s trade and natural resources. They are the economic backbone of Ethiopia.

Given their immense contributions and integral role in Ethiopia’s fabric, one must question any notion of secessionist agendas among these southern regions. They are essential in terms of population, geographic expanse, and economic resources, prompting the question: who succeeds from whom? If there ever was a perception that southern nations and regions sought to break away, it no longer holds true. They recognize their essential place within a unified Ethiopia.

When we speak of a unified Ethiopia, we cannot exclude these southern Ethiopians who form a substantial part of the nation. The notion that they seek to runaway from Ethiopia is outdated and unsubstantiated. Our focus is on participating in leading and advancing Ethiopia, not turning away from it.

Do you believe the recently signed Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the federal government of Ethiopia and the Somaliland government, which secures a sea corridor in exchange for political recognition, will serve the political and economic interests of the Somali regional administration?

Since this matter pertains to foreign relations, it falls under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Federal Government. However, it is important to emphasize that what benefits the entire country also benefits us as a region, given that the Somali region is a crucial member of the federation.

The Somali region is known to be rich in petroleum and natural gas resources, with studies dating back to Emperor Haile Selassie’s government confirming its potential for major oil and gas production. Many believe that Ethiopia should benefit from this natural treasure, yet this hasn’t materialized so far. Do you think Ethiopia can utilize the oil and gas from the Somali region in the near future?

Yes, I believe it is highly feasible with the right investment. The federal government is actively working to attract necessary investments, and there is strong political commitment at both regional and federal levels to facilitate this. With such dedication, I am confident that we will soon hear positive developments regarding production timelines.

There is ongoing conflict between Afar and Somali region security forces over disputed territories, which has persisted since the administrative changes throughout Ethiopia in the last five years. Why does this repeated conflict and continued bloodshed between these neighboring communities occur, and what steps do you believe should be taken to resolve the issue permanently?

Regarding conflicts and insecurity, our primary security concern stems from terrorist groups like Al-Shabab. The Somali region actively works to prevent their infiltration into Ethiopia. Our focus remains on addressing these security threats, and we have been successful in safeguarding both our region and the country from Al-Shabab’s activities.

Additionally, any local conflicts within Ethiopia are being addressed with the aim of peaceful resolution under the federal government. Regional governments, including ours, also play crucial roles in achieving peaceful resolutions. It’s important to note that the Prime Minister has issued clear directions to halt local clashes and facilitate the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) across all regions to their homes. We fully support these, as they are beneficial for both our region and the nation as a whole.

You’ve raised two critical points that need further elaboration: Al-Shabab and internally displaced persons (IDPs). First, do you believe that Ethiopia is currently facing a clear and present threat from Al-Shabab?

Indeed, Al-Shabab poses a significant threat to both the Somali region and the entire country. You may recall the incident from a year ago when Al-Shabab attempted to infiltrate the Somali region. Thanks to the coordinated efforts of our regional security forces, supported by the federal government, Ethiopia’s borders were successfully defended against this terrorist group’s attack.

Despite our efforts, Al-Shabab repeatedly attempts to breach Ethiopian borders. We have been continuously investing in strengthening our security forces to prevent such incursions, and our proactive measures have proven effective thus far.

It’s crucial not to underestimate the threat posed by Al-Shabab.

You also mentioned the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs). Significant numbers of IDPs, such as those in camps like Qoloji near Babile town, remain displaced due to the Oromia and Somali region border conflicts from about five years ago. How can you claim that the process of returning IDPs is progressing when so many people affected by these conflicts still reside in camps?

While the accuracy of the data may be in question, we estimate there are approximately one million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in our region, many of whom were displaced due to conflicts. As you mentioned, the Oromia-Somali region conflict was particularly impactful, instigated during the TPLF-led EPRDF regime, affecting brotherly communities.

Currently, we have implemented a clear strategy aimed at facilitating the voluntary return of IDPs to their homes. They also have the option to relocate within the region or integrate into host communities.

Thus far, thousands have chosen to return, relocate, or integrate. I agree that addressing the issue of IDPs requires our administration’s focused attention and prioritization.

The ‘Unidentified Soldiers’ memorial project is in the works by the Ministry’s department of heritage research, led by Brigadier General Desalegn Gatchee. He told The Reporter that his office has begun gathering data and conducting research to bring this project to fruition.

He disclosed the establishment of an independent task force to oversee the project.

“Recently, we convened experts from the Ministry of Tourism, Heritage Research and Protection Authority, and various institutions for a workshop and discussion,” said Desalegn. “We’ve reached a consensus on the proposal to construct a permanent resting place for the National Heroes’ Memorial.”

He told The Reporter that research and field observations for the project began this week. National memorials for fallen heroes will be established in Addis Ababa and all major towns and cities, particularly those hosting military bases, according to the Brigadier General.

“The Ministry of Defense has validated the expertise of antiquity specialists,” he said. “Given the Ministry’s authority to establish policy and legal frameworks, we will develop a comprehensive guiding platform. This platform will facilitate our research efforts, incorporating a survey to gather best practices from other nations and involving veteran soldiers in the project.”

The Adwa Memorial Museum was recently constructed and opened in Addis Ababa’s Piassa area. However, the ongoing debate about properly honoring and commemorating the fallen martyrs in various battles—both against foreign invaders and in other conflicts—remains unresolved.

The lack of consensus in Ethiopia regarding national heroes, holidays, and historical narratives is often ignored. Nonetheless, heads of the Ministry hope to see the new monument dedicated to the fallen heroes address this issue and foster a sense of national unity.