Ethiopia’s political landscape remains tense due to prolonged conflicts and security challenges. The civil war in Tigray (2020–2022), though officially ended with the Pretoria Agreement, has left deep divisions, while other conflicts persist in regions like Amhara and Oromia.
Despite the tensions, Ethiopians are scheduled to go to the polls within a year for the seventh national elections. Opposition groups have raised concerns over repression, media restrictions, and unequal political participation, warning that the election could exacerbate instability if issues with inclusivity and transparency are not immediately resolved. International observers, too, have urged dialogue and reforms to ensure credible elections, but with rising ethnic nationalism and security risks, Ethiopia’s path to a peaceful transition remains uncertain.
Rahel Bafe (PhD) is a seasoned politician with over thirty years of experience. She earned her PhD in leadership in 2019 and holds a master’s degree in business administration. Though she has limited experience in governmental offices, Rahel has spent most of her career working with international NGOs and global organizations.
Rahel entered Ethiopian politics shortly after the EPRDF took power following the fall of the Derg regime in the early 1990s. Her political involvement began with a post as a member of the secretariat representing Yeka Sub-City during the election of an executive committee member in the formation of the first Transitional Government in Ethiopia.
After stepping back from active politics for family reasons, she returned during the general elections of 2005. Rahel has been a prominent figure ever since. Her term as chair of the Joint Council of Political Parties coincided with the sixth national elections in 2021, and she currently serves as Vice President of the Ethiopian Social Democratic Party (ESDP).
In an interview with The Reporter’s Abraham Tekle, Rahel discussed Ethiopia’s political landscape, internal party disputes, the upcoming National Election, and her personal reflections on achieving lasting peace in the country, among other critical issues. EXCERPTS:
The Reporter: Given your extensive experience in Ethiopian politics, how would you assess the country’s current political climate, particularly in terms of peace and stability?
RahelBafe (PhD): In my assessment, Ethiopia’s political situation in general is dominated by divisive maneuvers and a lack of trust. Compounding the issue, certain factions have formed exclusionary alliances, weakening solidarity. The Joint Council, despite its potential to foster a multi-party system, has failed to play a constructive role in this regard.
Moreover, the ruling party has shown little willingness to facilitate a genuine multi-party system, even though diverse political perspectives could strengthen governance and national progress. Due to this mistrust, public confidence in politics continues to erode, marginalizing opposition parties and stifling their influence by the day. In fact, political repression has worsened compared to the EPRDF era, making it increasingly difficult for parties to operate freely, as the tool of suppression changed from a simple rope to a metal chain.
For instance, through the Joint Council, the chain of command extending from federal to regional election centers has restricted citizens’ ability to access alternative viewpoints. This undermines electoral choice, especially with the national election approaching. I am concerned that the Council’s influence—reaching down to woreda and regional election offices—limits voters’ access to unbiased information, effectively narrowing their options. These raise the questions: In what way are the people free to elect? How can the people get freedom of information about the upcoming election?
Consequently, I believe Ethiopia’s political trajectory is dangerously unstable, with little focus on national unity or public welfare. This is my overarching observation of the current political crisis of the country.
How would you characterize the current political landscape regarding the participation and interests of opposition parties in Ethiopia?
I would characterize our political landscape as fundamentally closed. Opposition parties are presented as mere propaganda tools rather than legitimate political voices, while the government shows no willingness to establish an inclusive political system that allows genuine participation. Furthermore, opposition groups are denied even the basic opportunity to engage in meaningful dialogue or receive transparent communications from leadership. This stems from a duplicity in governance—a disconnect between official rhetoric and actual practice. Such contradictions have fostered division and undermined constructive political discourse.
Are you suggesting that opposition parties in this country are not really free to operate?
They are not free and there is no chance for that. However, what’s surprising is that our current political stagnation cannot be blamed solely on the government—opposition parties share significant responsibility. Many opposition groups were created merely for survival, while others were established by the ruling party itself. Together with the ruling party, these groups constitute over 50 percent of the parties in the joint council. This situation actively prevents genuine democracy from taking root and obstructs the public’s access to essential political discourse. Ultimately, the current leadership has fostered national division, operating under the dangerous assumption that governing without public accountability carries no consequences.
Therefore, I maintain that both the ruling party and opposition groups bear equal responsibility for our deteriorated political landscape. It would be unjust to place blame solely on the ruling party when all political actors share culpability in creating these systemic problems.
Regarding the recent discussion between the Prime Minister and opposition parties: how would you assess the general environment? To what extent did it address your concerns?
Even though I wasn’t part of the discussion, I followed it closely. Many crucial national issues were overlooked. I believe this oversight was either intentional or due to a lack of awareness regarding the situation; either way, the discussion wasn’t inclusive. Consequently, I’d argue that the discussion failed to address our pressing national problems or offer any solutions.
How inclusive was the discussion, and what has your party brought to the table?
This outcome occurred despite our preparedness. As the ESDP, we developed various proposals addressing current peace and security issues, nationwide protests, and other critical matters like the national dialogue, following extensive party discussions. Unfortunately, none of our representatives, and no one else for that matter, was given the opportunity to present these possibilities.
You recently participated in a live social media discussion that reportedly caused a dispute within your party. Can you explain what happened and what led to the internal disagreement?
To make things short, we have 11 executive members in our party, but with the unfortunate passing of our president, we are currently down to 10 as his position hasn’t been filled. During a recent central committee meeting, four of our executive members engaged in violence and further breached party rules by directly approaching the Election Board to express their dissent.
When they approached the Election Board, they submitted signatures, including their own and two other party members who deny any involvement in the process. Given these improper actions, the party’s Central Committee has suspended the four executive members from their duties. I believe they used the social media discussion as a pretext to pursue their own interests and create internal conflict. I suspect they sought support from the ruling party by bringing this issue to the Election Board, specifically concerning my participation in the discussion.
Reports indicate those executive members submitted a formal party seal to the Election Board, disputing your authority. Are you still the party’s Vice President?
I can assure you that I am still the party’s vice president. In general, all political parties in this country share a common rule: leadership changes only occur after a general assembly. Without that assembly, nothing can be done. Furthermore, only the central committee, not individual executive members, has the authority to report such decisions. These individuals, therefore, lack the right and justification for their actions. They simply publicized their claims through media outlets, which amplified their message for broader reach, often using social media for dissemination.
Consequently, we’ve reported the situation to the police, as their actions constitute a criminal offense that warrants legal action. We are actively pursuing this matter and will provide updates when appropriate.
How prepared are you for the upcoming national vote?
We intend to participate in seven regional states. Our primary concerns are security, societal well-being, and ensuring a free, fair, and democratically conducted election, drawing lessons from past electoral experiences.
However, as I’ve stated earlier, I doubt this is truly possible given the Joint Council’s pervasive influence extending to woreda and regional election centers. Nevertheless, if we could engage in discussions with both the Joint Council and the Prosperity Party—which, effectively, is the federal government—we might alleviate these restrictions and achieve equal participation in the election.
What does your party offer the public?
We’ve strived to gain public acceptance for our program, though it hasn’t been enough. This is largely due to the national public media’s failure to provide equal airtime for diverse viewpoints. Furthermore, the government’s misdirection in claiming sole credit for collective public works impedes our progress. Consequently, it’s challenging for parties like ours to gain prominence within this restrictive political landscape.
Despite the ruling party’s dominance, we successfully introduced our program and roadmap to the public and gained acceptance. However, we believe the process requires amendments to better serve public interest and protect freedoms. Our long-standing participation in Ethiopian politics also offers valuable lessons for other parties. It remains unfortunate, though, that parties struggle to form joint organizations to amplify their strength.
What is your party’s stance on the scheduling of the seventh national election?
Our position is contingent on public feedback, the stance of other political parties, and the ruling party’s commitment to its promises. However, what’s perplexing now is the pervasive silence from the public and political parties, seemingly accepting a centralized decision without considering diverse viewpoints for the nation’s benefit. Much work is needed in this area, but if the government genuinely commits to holding the next election as scheduled, we anticipate an impressive outcome.
What role do you envision for opposition political parties in the upcoming vote, and what do you anticipate as the overall outcome?
We envision a peaceful and just election where every political party takes responsibility for acting peacefully and effectively presents its platform to the public. Furthermore, parties should articulate the anticipated changes for the country, outline their implementation strategies, and clarify the public’s role in achieving these goals.
They must educate the public on what to expect from both the government and the media, especially since the media holds significant influence in fostering national reconciliation for the good of the country. Therefore, if we all participate equally and reach a consensus, we can provide ideal solutions to the existing problems.
Do you believe the election can deliver a lasting solution to Ethiopia’s political challenges?
If the election is conducted freely, without bias, and benefits everyone equally, all problems will be resolved as the public will elect their preferred administration based on their genuine will. This would foster a reciprocal relationship where the elected listen to the public’s needs, and the public, in turn, trusts and heeds the administration’s voice. Without this, the election would be futile.
The upcoming election is crucial for resolving disagreements and bringing peace to the country, provided it is held properly. However, the critical question is: Can this truly happen? Answering this question is imperative, as it will lead to a more positive outcome.
What are the key expectations for the general public, opposition political parties, and the government to achieve a lasting solution for the country?
The public should consistently demand its rights, elect leaders and administrations willingly and on its own terms, and hold them accountable for any wrongdoings. The public possesses the power to do so and to ensure its voice is heard.
As for opposition parties, if they lack equal footing and power parity with their opponents, it’s not a true competition. They should recognize their role in finding solutions. Unfortunately, many aren’t meeting this challenge today. They need to understand they are part of the solution and strive to gain public trust.
The government’s crucial role is to establish a truly suitable, free, and trustworthy environment for all to operate. This demands genuine commitment. Conflict and violence are not solutions; the government must leverage its authority to prevent them by fostering a peaceful political landscape and stable security. Ultimately, real commitment is more essential now than ever.
